Wednesday, October 5, 2011

Domestic Architecture, Ethnicity, and Complementarity in the South-Central Andes.

Domestic Architecture, Ethnicity, and Complementarity in the South-Central Andes. This volume is part of the University of Iowa Press The University of Iowa Press is a university press that is part of the University of Iowa. External linkUniversity of Iowa Press Andean seriesthat has produced a nice set of data-oriented books over the pastseveral years. The book is edited by Mark Aldenderfer with the main ideamost of the 12 chapters in the volume address based on CharlesStanish's thesis and subsequent work, using architecture to learnabout the political and economic interactions of the altiplano altiplano(ăl'tĭplä`nō), high plateau (alt. c.12,000 ft/3,660 m) in the Andes Mts., c.65,000 sq mi (168,350 sq km), W Bolivia, extending into S Peru. ethnicgroups with those of the warm western valleys. This question is animportant one in Andean work, for it is investigating the prominentthesis of Murra's that the Late Intermediate Period altiplanoLupaqa had colonies far away from the altiplano to produce needed goodsfor their chiefdom. This political-economic structure is an importantassumption in many Andean research projects, and it is very significantto have such a question addressed in the exact area where the originalmodel was developed. Briefly they do not find this to be true. Overallthe evidence presented here suggests that such a model occurred in theearly Colonial period Colonial Period may generally refer to any period in a country's history when it was subject to administration by a colonial power. Korea under Japanese rule Colonial America See alsoColonialism .The book is in large size and is 178 pages long, with each chapterhaving an abstract in Spanish. Each chapter is succinct, reasonablyshort and well illustrated. Occasionally there are figures that do nothave enough identifying symbols but by far most are clear and veryhelpful. Most figures are of excavated structural remains, giving thereader a clear idea of the architectural feature distribution at thevarious sites. These plans are a tremendous help for they allowcomparisons with other architectural excavations throughout the Andes.The opening chapter by Aldenderfer & Stanish lays out the mainproblems of the book that most chapters address. This focus is onhouseholds, their role in production, distribution, transmission,socialization socialization/so��cial��iza��tion/ (so?shal-i-za��shun) the process by which society integrates the individual and the individual learns to behave in socially acceptable ways. so��cial��i��za��tionn. , and ethnicity and how archaeologists can identifyseparate groups through stylistic differences, primarily architecturaldifferences. They then set out five main Andean problems that areaddressed in the book. Each essay addresses one or more of these issues:1) zonal complementarity, 2) core-periphery relations, 3) formation ofelite groups, 4) stability and change in household organization and 5)formation of ethnic groups. One of the main tenets of the book is theidea that ethnicity as well as political change will be evident at thehousehold level, not only in the architecture but also in craftproduction and specialization. With these general issues outlined theytell us that a main point in the book will be to focus on the ethnicgroups in the Titicaca Basin, the Tiwanaku, the Aymara, the Lupaqa, theColla and the Uru as well as the indigenous groups in theOsmore-Moquegua Valley, and through their identification try todifferentiate these groups so that we can learn what kind of interactionthese two regions had through time and how this interaction effectedtheir own political and economic development.The chapters are presented temporally and spatially. First we havefive chapters on the western Peruvian valley domestic architecture thatare presented chronologically, In each chapter we get a brief temporalsequence to situate sit��u��ate?tr.v. sit��u��at��ed, sit��u��at��ing, sit��u��ates1. To place in a certain spot or position; locate.2. To place under particular circumstances or in a given condition.adj. us and then the archaeological data. The firstchapter is by Mark Aldenderfer on Archaic domestic traditions, notingshifts in site use and organization. Next Paul Goldstein Paul Herbert Goldstein (born August 4, 1976, in Washington, D.C.) is a tennis player from the United States, who turned professional in 1998.The right-hander reached his highest individual ranking on the ATP Tour on April 24, 2006, when he became the # 58 player in the details theMiddle Horizon Omo M12 domestic data that he claims is built by thealtiplano Tiwanaku ethnic group. He bases this conclusion not only onthe architecture but also on the ceramics and the activities suggested,specifically one house having evidence for ritual beverage consumption.Garth Bawden's presentation discusses a site that is Middle Horizonand post-Middle Horizon, suggesting that post-Tiwanaku peoples alsomoved down into the western drainages. Geoffrey Conrad is dealing withthe Late Intermediate and Late Horizon (Inka) Periods by looking at twosites. He is trying to determine the ethnicity of these two villages aswell as proposing to understand the familial structure of the twodifferent house forms found. In the end he claims that one site is alocal Kori ethnic group and the other is an altiplano group, probablyColla, but it is not a Lupaqa settlement. Thus he cannot supportMurra's thesis in this part of the Osmore drainage. Conrad proposesa series of interesting issues in his paper. I found myself asking if wecan assume that people who move to a new region and environment continueto build their houses in the same manner as they did in their previousarea? This of course is a basic assumption of this book. Don Rice alsoconcentrates on Late Intermediate Period architecture lower down in thevalley, describing local Chiribaya residences.The book then turns to the Lake Titicaca Lake Titicaca sits 3,812 m (12,507 feet) above sea level making it the highest commercially navigable lake in the world [1]. By volume of water it is also the largest lake in South America. region with three chapters.The first article by Stanish, de la Vega de la Vega is a common surname in the Spanish language meaning "of the plain" and may refer to: People(arranged by date of birth) Garcilaso de la Vega (1501-1536), Spanish poet and soldier Inca Garcilaso de la Vega & Frye describes Lupaqadomestic architecture, a crucial though brief paper it is useful tocompare with the previous western valley architectural evidence, andsupports the conclusions by Conrad and Rice. Munoz Ovalle's paperis a bit out of sequence, but provocative with domestic evidence fromnorthern Chile in the Azapa Valley. In that region he presents twosites, an Archaic site and also a Late Intermediate low valley site. Itprovides nice new evidence for both time periods. My query with thispresentation is with the second, Late Intermediate Period site. Heclaims that their subsistence base was primarily one of localagricultural products and marine fishing based on local crop and fishevidence in the structures. Then he goes on to mention that there werecamelid camelidmembers of the family Camelidae; includes camels and the South American camelids��alpaca, guanaco, llama, vicuna. remains, one monkey, and potatoes and quinoa quinoa(kēnwä`), tall annual herb (Chenopodium quinoa) of the family Chenopodiaceae (goosefoot family), whose seeds have provided a staple food for peoples of the higher Andes since pre-Columbian times. , all highland orbeyond crops and animals. Could not this second set of subsistence datareflect a more complex subsistence system that included regular trade orextensive farming Extensive farming (as opposed to intensive farming) is an agricultural production system that uses little inputs on vast areas of land, such as the Great Plains.Extensive farming most commonly refers to sheep and cattle farming in areas with low agricultural productivity. ? I did not see the evidence for only local production.We then return to the Titicaca Basin with Karen Wise cogentlypresenting Late Intermediate Period houses of possibly two ethnicitiesat Lukurmata, with both Uru and Aymara peoples building houses there.Marc Bermann also presents domestic evidence at Lukurmata with a long,almost 2000-year sequence. This chapter is the longest with many goodplans and a succinctly described sequence of houses. He raises manyquestions with his data, but all are provocative and, it is hoped, mostare answerable with more excavation in the area.Returning to the Osmore valley, there is one historic archaeologypresentation by Mary Van Buren, Peter Burgi and Prudence Rice. They seemto have evidence for Lupaqa colonists in the 16th and 17th centuries.So, despite Murra's claim that this strategy was pre-Inka, theLupaqa archipelago model first functions after the Spanish conquestbased on the data presented in this book.The final chapter by Mario Rivera is a brief summary of the book,with a comparative view of northern Chile and its subsistence andsettlement history. He concludes with six points for future householdresearch in this region, including the need to build general theory. Thebook is tightly focused on domestic houses, which is exactly where ourAndean research should be directed. It is easy to read and well worth itif you are interested in domestic archaeology or the Andes.CHRISTINE A. HASTORF Department of Anthropology University ofCalifornia, Berkeley The University of California, Berkeley is a public research university located in Berkeley, California, United States. Commonly referred to as UC Berkeley, Berkeley and Cal (CA)

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