Early hunter-gatherers in the Americas: perspectives from central Brazil.

Early hunter-gatherers in the Americas: perspectives from central Brazil. There is a preconception pre��con��cep��tion?n.An opinion or conception formed in advance of adequate knowledge or experience, especially a prejudice or bias.Noun 1. among American archaeologists that the latePleistocene The Late Pleistocene (also known as Upper Pleistocene or the Tarantian) is a stage of the Pleistocene Epoch. The beginning of the stage is defined by the base of Eemian interglacial phase before final glacial episode of Pleistocene 126,000 �� 5,000 years ago. (c. 12,00010,000 b.p.) and early Holocene human occupationof the Americas would have had highly formalized for��mal��ize?tr.v. for��mal��ized, for��mal��iz��ing, for��mal��iz��es1. To give a definite form or shape to.2. a. To make formal.b. and diagnostictechnologies (Bryan 1986), as seen in bifacial fluted projectiles(Clovis and/or Folsom points(1)) or Palaeo-arctic microblades, This biascarries with it two presumptions which have no reason to exist: * Clovis and related industries had to be diffused throughout theAmericas; and * there should be a 'big-game hunting' horizon in SouthAmerica South America,fourth largest continent (1991 est. pop. 299,150,000), c.6,880,000 sq mi (17,819,000 sq km), the southern of the two continents of the Western Hemisphere. .In short, the North American North Americannamed after North America.North American blastomycosissee North American blastomycosis.North American cattle ticksee boophilusannulatus. archetype archetype(är`kĭtīp')[Gr. arch=first, typos=mold], term whose earlier meaning, "original model," or "prototype," has been enlarged by C. G. Jung and by several contemporary literary critics. is being used: if there is alate Pleistocene human occupation in South America, then it should looklike the one in North America North America,third largest continent (1990 est. pop. 365,000,000), c.9,400,000 sq mi (24,346,000 sq km), the northern of the two continents of the Western Hemisphere. .Although several archaeological sites in South America are of thesame age as Clovis and Folsom, they do not show the characteristicstypical of North American Palaeoindian occupation (Dillehay et al.1992). Until very recently, a late Pleistocene human occupation in SouthAmerica was not accepted by mainstream North American archaeologists(Fiedel 1996; West 1991). This can be explained by three factors: * there was no undisputed pre-Clovis site in North America, asthere should be if there were Clovis' contemporaneous occupationsin South America and the migration went from north to south; * the lack of discrete chronological horizon in South America,similar to Clovis period in North America; and * scarcity of information about South American archaeology beingdone by South American archaeologists.The recent publications of Monte Verde This article is about the site in Chile. For the mountain in Brazil, see Mantiqueira Mountains. Monte Verde is an archaeological site in south-central Chile, which is suspected to date 12,500 years before present, making it one of the earliest inhabited site reports (Dillehay 1989;1997) and site visit by a group of archaeologists (Meltzer et al. 1997;Pedler & Adovasio 1997) put an end to the 'pre-Clovis'occupation debate with the indisputable evidence of human occupation insouthern Chile c. 12,500 years b.p. Along with that we hope that moreattention will be geared to other South American late Pleistocene sites,and more importantly, to the variability of early human adaptations inthe Americas.This article presents evidence of late Pleistocene human occupationsat several sites in the eastern tropical lowlands of South America,specifically in central Brazil, that are not characterized by thepresence of specialized 'big-game hunting' assemblages. Thearchaeological record The archaeological record is a term used in archaeology to denote all archaeological evidence, including the physical remains of past human activities which archaeologists seek out and record in an attempt to analyze and reconstruct the past. from this region shows that until c. 3500 yearsb.p. the region was occupied continuously by egalitarian foraging groupssubsisting entirely on wild animals WILD ANIMALS. Animals in a state of nature; animals ferae naturae. Vide Animals; Ferae naturae. and plants. Reviewing archaeologicalevidences of this early occupation, this article suggests thatadaptation was based primarily on plants and small mammals, with anexpedient lithic lith��ic?1?adj.Consisting of or relating to stone or rock.Adj. 1. lithic - of or containing lithium2. lithic - relating to or composed of stone; "lithic sandstone" assemblage geared to manufacturing wood implements.The fact that late Pleistocene lithic assemblages from South Americaare distinct from North America should not be a surprise. Clovis,Folsom, Lindenmeier and other North American late Pleistocene and earlyHolocene periods are specific adaptations to particular ecologicalcontext and subsistence strategy. When humans migrated to South Americathey encountered a very ecologically diverse land, and had to adapt andadjust to this new environment. From an ecological point of view,important once we deal with subsistence strategies, we are talking aboutlocal adaptation during a period of important palaeoclimatic changes.The variability found among human occupation in the Americas during latePleistocene and early Holocene periods can be partially explained byregional adaptations of people facing environmental risk.Theoretical frameworkThe human ecological approach to hunter-gatherer studies has shownthose societies use a broad range of ways to mitigate risk, includingmobility, storage, logistical collecting, exchange, communal sharing,intensification and diversification (e.g. Colson 1979; Goland 1991;Halstead & O'Shea 1989; Spielmann 1986; Wiessner 1982;Winterhalder 1990). Combinations of these mechanisms have been used todefine contrasting strategies: foragers/collectors (Binford 1980),immediate return systems/delayed return systems (Woodburn 1980), nomadic See nomadic computing. hunter-gatherers/sedentary hunter-gatherers (Testar 1982), generalizedhunter-gatherers/complex hunter-gatherers (Hayden 1990). Thesestrategies are culturally defined adaptive responses to specific sets ofenvironmental conditions, which vary both spatially and temporally in agiven environment.Anthropologists interested in environmental adaptation have arguedthat diversification (exploitation of a broader spectrum of resources)is a particularly effective mechanism of risk management.Diversification, together with intensification (increase inproductivity, intensification proper and specialization; Morrison 1994)are likely adaptive responses to climatic instability in the latePleistocene and early Holocene in the Old and in the New Worlds: bothmay have been key to the development of complex hunter-gatherersocieties (Price 1991; Price & Brown 1985), and to the origin ofagriculture (Binford 1968; Cohen cohenor kohen(Hebrew: “priest”) Jewish priest descended from Zadok (a descendant of Aaron), priest at the First Temple of Jerusalem. The biblical priesthood was hereditary and male. 1977; Flannery 1986; Redding 1988). Onthe basis of the archaeological record from central Brazil it has beensuggested that diversification and intensification were also mechanismsemployed by hunter-gatherer groups in this region during the latePleistocene and early Holocene, a period marked by palaeoclimaticinstability and major environmental changes (Schmitz 1981; 1987a).Palaeo-climateClimatic changes did not affect the whole of the central Brazilregion equally; recent palaeoclimatic studies from different areas areproducing different results. Pollen sequences from two regions in MinasGerais Minas Gerais(mē`nəs zhərīs`)[Port.,=various mines], state (1996 pop. 16,660,691), 226,707 sq mi (587,171 sq km), E Brazil. The capital is Belo Horizonte. Minas Gerais continues to produce more than half of Brazil's mineral wealth. indicate an increase in seasonality with a concomitant extensionof the dry season and a reduction in winter cooling at the end of thePleistocene and early Holocene. Over the past 17,000 years, a rapidsuccession of different forest types in the pollen record from Salitreis interpreted as reflecting rapid climate changes (Ledru et al. 1996).Between c. 9000 and c. 5500 b.p., climatic shifts from cold/humid towarm/dry were observed in one pollen sequence (Ledru 1993); at 5000years there was an arid interval. Another pollen record from Lago doPires, a transitional zone from cerrado to forest, recorded a moistphase between 8810 and 7500 b.p.; at 5530 b.p. a major change invegetation, from cerrado to extensive forests, took place (Behling1995). A fourth pollen record from Minas Gerais suggested a briefcooling period at 5000 b.p. (Oliveira 1992). Another recentpalaeoclimatic study in Goias indicated an increase of precipitation c.10,400-7700 b.p. Humidity continued to increase in the next period(6500-3500 b.p.), with highest levels at the Climatic Optimum (Vicenti1993). Climatic and vegetation changes in central Brazil seem to havehad local variations.Late Pleistocene and early Holocene hunter-gatherers living in thisregion had to cope with both climatic instability and local ecologicalvariation with inter-annual rainfall fluctuation, unpredictability, andlong-term environmental change amongst the critical variables. Rainfallis an important environmental variable, ultimately determining the foodbase for hunters (grazing animal biomass and distribution), as well asprimary productivity for gatherers (Low 1990). The variability amonglate Pleistocene and early Holocene human occupation throughout theAmericas can be partially explained by regional adaptation to localpalaeoenvironmental conditions.Archaeological recordEvidence of human occupation in central Brazil dates back to thePleistocene/Holocene transition, with the earliest radiocarbon date atc. 12,000 b.p. (TABLE 1). The main archaeological sites are in the stateof Minas Gerais (several sites at Peruacu Valley and Grande Abrigo deSantana de Santana may refer to: Gabriel Donizete de Santana (born 1987), Brazilian midfielder Hernando de Santana, Spanish conqueror Reginaldo de Santana (born 1975), Brazilian football player See alsoSantana do Riacho), Mato Grosso Mato Grosso(mä`t grô`s)[Port.,=thick forest], state (1996 pop. (Santa Elina), Pernambuco Pernambuco(pərnəmb`k), state (1991 pop. 7,127,855), 37,946 sq mi (98,280 sq km), NE Brazil, on the Atlantic Ocean. (several sitesat Sao Raimundo Nonato), and Goias (GO-JA-01) [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 1OMITTED]. From the very limited archaeological record Schmitz (1981;1987a) proposed three temporal divisions for the late Pleistocene/earlyHolocene human occupation of Central Brazil: Beginning of Holocene(11,000-8500 b.p.): Transitional Period (8500-6500 b.p.): and ClimaticOptimum(2) (65000-4000 b.p.).According to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. Schmitz, the Beginning of the Holocene was a homogeneouscultural horizon. Central Brazil was occupied by hunter-gatherers indispersed and highly mobile bands, with a subsistence pattern based onhunting large mammals (tapir, peccaries, deer), supplemented byanteaters, armadillos, turtles, lizards, rhea rhea, in zoologyrhea(rē`ə), common name for a South American bird of the family Rheidae, which is related to the ostrich. Weighing from 44 to 55 lb (20–25 kg) and standing up to 60 in. , birds and fishes (Jacobus1983; Moreira 1983-4). Molluscs are absent, fruit seeds, especially frompalm trees, are present (Schmitz 1981; Schmitz et al. 1989).The Transitional Period is associated with modifications insubsistence, technology and settlement. There is archaeological evidencethat terrestrial molluscs assume an important subsistence role and thatfruits were consumed in large quantities. The increased abundance ofterrestrial molluscs in interior sites, such as the rock-shelters ofGoias and Minas Gerais, is accompanied on the coast by the firstspecialized gatherers of marine and lagoon shellfish (sambaquis)(Schmitz 1987a; 1987b). Sites are still dispersed, and there is nosignificant change in their number (Schmitz 1981; Schmitz et el. 1989). [TABULAR DATA FOR TABLE 1 OMITTED]At the Climatic Optimum, according to Schmitz, there is increased useof smaller vertebrates. Food remains continue to emphasize molluscs, butin smaller quantities and consisting almost exclusively of largegastropods. Remains of large and medium-sized vertebrates are notnumerous; small mammals predominate. Exploitation of birds appears tohave intensified. A variety of seeds and palm nuts often fill pits orform lenses in hearths. After 5000 b.p. the number of sites increases,suggesting significant demographic growth (Prous 1992). Rock-sheltersand caves intensively used in the previous periods are abandoned duringthis period in the south of Piaui, Pernambuco, parts of Minas Gerais andGoias (Schmitz 1981; Prous 1992).These changes in subsistence pattern as reflected in thearchaeological record may be responses to climatic changes and theireffects on the ecosystem. It has been argued that the palaeoclimate ofcentral Brazil became more humid during the period between the earlyHolocene and the Climatic Optimum (Ab'Saber 1981; Schmitz 1987a);with an increase in humidity, molluscs proliferated, vegetation becamedenser, and mammals became more dispersed (so terrestrial game declinedin abundance). Hunting would have been more difficult. The ClimaticOptimum saw an extraordinary expansion of vegetation: forests appeared,parklands expanded and thorn-scrub forests were reduced. Terrestrialgame further decreased in abundance. By Schmitz's (1981; 1987a)argument, humans responded by altering their resource base, with greateremphasis on plants, and much less reliance on animals, particularlylarge ones. The great majority of the archaeological evidence dated tolate Pleistocene and early Holocene periods is found in rock-sheltersand caves (in contrast to the open-air sites of North America). Thisdoes not mean that people were living only in caves; a bias of survivaland discovery has to be taken into consideration, and we have to spendsome energy in searching for open-air sites. But we do have sites withvery good preservation, well-defined stratified stratified/strat��i��fied/ (strat��i-fid) formed or arranged in layers. strat��i��fiedadj.Arranged in the form of layers or strata. deposits [ILLUSTRATIONFOR FIGURE 2 OMITTED], and rich sequences of remains from thePleistocene/Holocene transition to the 19th century.Systematic research in central Brazil is being done in three mainareas: the regions of Rondonopolos, Mato Grosso; Cerra da Capivara,Paiui; and Vale do Peruacu, Minas Gerais [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 1OMITTED]. This large area of Brazil shows a clear and recurrent patternof sites sharing similar material culture, subsistence pattern, and aconsistent range of radiocarbon dates which is strong evidence of humanoccupation in South America c. 12,000 years b.p. It also shows that,contrary to Schmitz's generalized hunting-based economy, the earlyinhabitants of this region were primarily gatherers.Three important archaeological sites in eastern/central Brazil -Grande Abrigo de Santana do Riacho, Lapa dos Bichos and Lapa do Boquete,in the state of Minas Gerais - are rock-shelters presenting excellentorganic preservation, and rich stratified sequences of remains datingfrom the Pleistocene/Holocene transition to the Holocene [ILLUSTRATIONFOR FIGURE 2 OMITTED].Grande Abrigo de Santana do Riacho, a rock-shelter formed by thefalling of quartzite quartzite,usually metamorphic rock composed of firmly cemented quartz grains. Most often it is white, light gray, yellowish, or light brown, but is sometimes colored blue, green, purple, or black by included minerals. blocks from the base of a cliff, is an exception inan area dominated by karstic caves and rock-shelters. Excavationsconducted in the southern part of the rock-shelter cover 100 sq. m. Theoccupation dates back to 11,960 [+ or -] 250 b.p. (GIF-5089) and iscontinuous up to 3990+70 b.p. (Prous 1992; 1993).Lapa do Boquete and Lapa dos Bichos are located in the Peruacuvalley, in the northern region of Minas Gerais. The Peruacu river'sorigin is located in the gneiss gneiss(nīs), coarse-grained, imperfectly foliated, or layered, metamorphic rock. Gneiss is characterized by alternating light and dark bands differing in mineral composition and having coarser grains than those of schist. , 80 km northwest on the left margin ofthe Sao Francisco S?o Fran��cis��co?A river of eastern Brazil flowing about 2,896 km (1,800 mi) generally north-northeast and east to the Atlantic Ocean.Noun 1. river. Its middle course cuts through Precambriancalcareous calcareous/cal��car��e��ous/ (kal-kar��e-us) pertaining to or containing lime; chalky. cal��car��e��ousadj. formations, and in the past it was almost entirelysubterranean. A roof collapse exposed the river bed, forming a canyonwith cliffs of 50-100 m, with karstic forms (lapies, dolines andresidual forms), and subterranean sections 1-3 km long (Prous 1991b).The canyon, intensively occupied by prehistoric groups, offers materialculture, subsistence remains, burials and numerous cave paintings andengravings. Lapa do Boquete and Lapa dos Bichos are two of more than 60known sites in the canyon where systematic excavations have been carriedout in just a small part.These three sites are important to understanding the Postglacial post��gla��cial?adj.Relating to or occurring during the time following a glacial period.postglacial?Relating to or occurring during the time following a glacial period.Adj. 1. period in eastern central Brazil: all three have excellent organicpreservation including rich botanical and animal remains, perishablewooden and reed artefacts, and human burials. Several occupation levelsspan most of the Postglacial period. In the first archaeological levelat Lapa do Boquete (12,000[+ or -]170 years b.p., CTDN-2403) and at Lapados Bichos (10,450[+ or -]70 years b.p., BETA-100397) a lithic industryhas flint and silicified sandstone artefacts and the by-products oftheir manufacture, characterized by end-scrapers and rare bifacialprojectile projectilesomething thrown forward.projectile syringesee blow dart.projectile vomitingforceful vomiting, usually without preceding retching, in which the vomitus is thrown well forward. points. Microscopic use-wear analysis shows that manyimplements have been used; most of the wear is associated withwoodworking (Prous et al. 1992).At Santana do Riacho the lithic industry, mainly on quartz andquartzite, has side-scrapers, end-scrapers, borers and rare bifacialprojectile points (Prous 1991). Use-wear studied in a sample of theSantana do Riacho lithic collection also showed general evidence ofwoodworking (Alonso 1991).Although there may be local variation in the lithic industries ofcentral Brazil, the industries from Minas Gerais resemble those fromother parts of this region: an expedient lithic assemblage, with notmany multifunctional tools, many scrapers, very rare bifacial points,and few highly curated tools [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 3 OMITTED]. Itpresents not only clearly morphological patterning (limaces) but otherindicators of human modification: cores, flakes and conjoining flakes.Other important characteristics which attest to a human presence are theartefacts and flakes made of exotic raw material, the presence of burnedlithic material in areas where natural fire could not have occurred(caves) and the use-wear already mentioned.We know very little about botanical remains in central Brazil despitevery good preservation at Santana do Riacho and sites in the PeruacuValley. The general picture shows the exploitation of wild fruits(coquinhos, guariroba, licuri, chicha, pequi, jatoba, and other cerradofruits). This exploitation does not stop with the advent of corn andmanioc manioc:see cassava. agriculture (Veloso & Resende 1992). Although subsistenceshows spatial and temporal variation throughout the post-Pleistoceneperiod in central Brazil, it is characterized by a broad-spectrum dietbased on gathered fruits and roots.There are a few faunal case-studies. Faunal remains from PeruacuValley sites and Santana do Riacho are currently being analysed (by theauthor). The pattern becoming clear is of small and medium-sized animalspredominating in the archaeological record from central Brazil. Themajority are mammals (rodents, armadillos, primates, sloths, Brazilianrabbits, anteaters), with some reptiles, birds and fishes. Biggeranimals (deer, peccaries, tapir), rare to start with, are morerepresented in later occupations. The working hypothesis is that, withthe advent of agriculture, people who had minimized the risk ofsubsistence stress were taking more 'chances' in huntingbigger animals. There is no clear evidence of late Pleistocene peoplehunting extinct 'mega-fauna'.The appearance of domesticated plants This is a list of plants that have been domesticated by humans.The list includes species or larger formal and informal botanical categories that include at least some domesticated individuals. in the archaeological record ofcentral Brazil is not well dated. The appearance of ceramic in thearchaeological sequence The archaeological sequence or sequence for short, on a specific archaeological site can be defined on two levels of rigour. Normally it is adequate to equate it to archaeological record. However, the two terms are not exactly interchangeable. of rock-shelter sites in central Brazil isusually interpreted as evidence of the first horticultural groups, andis known as the Una tradition. Sometimes the pottery is associated withdomesticated plants (i.e. corn and manioc). The earliest evidence forthe Una tradition in central Brazil dates to 3490 b.p. (Prous 1992).This tradition is defined by the presence of a few ceramic vessels(small and undecorated) and almost exclusive to rock-shelters. Althougha survey and/or preservation bias might explain the lack of open-airsites, another plausible explanation is that this is evidence ofmutualistic interaction between hunter-gatherers and horticulturalists.The fact that the lithic industry from the Una tradition is notdifferent from the previous occupations (Prous 1992; Schmitz et al.1989) might be an indicator the latter explanation is correct. If thisis the case, the increase of large mammal hunting could be associatedwith the hunter-gatherer/horticulturalist interaction, where meat wasexchanged for domesticated plants, as seen for example between the Makiand Tukano societies from northwest Amazonia (Silverwood-Cope 1990).Some characteristics of the fauna from those sites are also strongevidence of a human presence during the late Pleistocene period. Thereare fish remains in all levels in sites that are and were more than 50 mabove the river. Although rare, other non-karstic animals - peccaries -are present. Burned (calcined) bones, broken bones This article or section has multiple issues:* It does not cite any references or sources. Please help improve this article by citing reliable sources.* It needs to be expanded.Please help [ improve the article] or discuss these issues on the talk page. that refit, andcut-marks are also evidence of human occupation of these habitats asearly as 12,000 years ago.Other important features in sites from central Brazil arewell-structured hearths, and burials. At Santana do Riacho, 24 burialswere found containing approximately 40 individuals; one burial (Sep.XII) dates to 9460[+ or -]110 b.p. (GIF-4508) (Prous 1992; 1993). Thiscollection is currently being reanalysed; preliminary results show ahigh incidence of caries among the population from Santana do Riacho inall archaeological levels(3) (Neves et al. 1996), an indication of adiet rich in carbohydrates (Saunders & Katzeberg 1992).The slight available data shows pattern. There is strong evidence fora late Pleistocene human occupation in eastern South America. Thediverse lithic assemblages dating from c. 12,000 years b.p. areunequivocally human made; they are distinct from the North Americanindustries North American Industries is a private company that has been building overhead cranes since 1969. It is a member of the Crane Manufacturers Association of America (CMAA) and has sold cranes throughout the world. of Clovis and Folsom. Wood-working tools might have beenimportant. The subsistence of early groups in central Brazil was basedon a foraging strategy, focusing on the exploitation of wild plants andsmall animals; preliminary work based on faunal and osteologicalanalysis supports the hypothesis that plants were the staple diet.That subsistence pattern is similar to the one reported by Gnecco(1997) and Roosevelt et al. (1996) for late Pleistocene/early Holocenehunter-gatherer occupation in the Amazon region, where subsistencestrategy relied more on gathering than hunting - a pattern again verydifferent from the North American, where 'big-game hunting'was important. It differs from Schmitz's (1987a) model for centralBrazil, where the first people had a strategy geared to large mammals(deer, peccaries, tapir etc.), and later shifted to a plant-basedsubsistence.DiscussionIn sum, early human occupation of eastern South America ischaracterized by generalized foragers, very different from the'big-game' hunters in North America. Plant resources, both asfood and as raw material for tool manufacture, were very important. Aclearly diverse lithic assemblage is not geared towards huntingactivity. I suggest we put an end to the 'spear/projectile pointtyranny', and begin to look at cultural dynamics instead. Thedocumented variability in the archaeological record can be partiallyexplained by adaptation to the tropical region, with great dependence onplant foods.Major changes in technology and subsistence pattern in central Braziloccurred around the mid Holocene, similar to Australia (Edwards &O'Connell 1995) than to other regions of the world. The generalapproach to stone technology in Australia and eastern South Americashare similar general features - small tools, many scrapers, and rareprojectile points; and extinct megafauna meg��a��fau��na?n. (used with a sing. or pl. verb)Large or relatively large animals, as of a particular region or period, considered as a group.meg seem to have been huntedneither in Australia nor in South America.Schmitz's (1987a) model for late Pleistocene and early Holoceneadaptations is an attempt to correlate environmental and behaviouralchanges in central Brazil that 'mimic' processes that occurredin the Old World and North America. The archaeological record fromcentral Brazil discussed above does not support the behavioural changessuggested, despite similar environmental changes. Although not common,and often not explicit, traditionally the Old World (Upper Palaeolithicand Mesolithic) and North America (Palaeoindian and Archaic) are used asmodels for comparison and frameworks to interpret early human occupationin Brazil. It is time we began to broaden our view and knowledge, andlook at other places as well, specifically Australia.To understand the specific developments and organization of latePleistocene and early Holocene hunter-gatherers in central Brazil, weclearly need more detailed archaeological and palaeoenvironmental data.So far, description and explanation of the archaeological record hasbeen based on qualitative and incomplete archaeological data, biasedsurvey methods and very general palaeoclimatic reconstruction. With moregermane studies on cultural dynamics of human migration and adaptation,a different pattern of Pleistocene and early post-glacial adaptationwill emerge, which should change the traditional view of the FirstAmericans.1 Northern Palaeoindian cultures appear to begin with Clovis andFolsom, dated c. 11,200-10,900 and c. 10,90010,200 years b.p.respectively, and end in the early Holocene at c. 8500 years b.p.(Taylor et al. 1996; Roosevelt et al. 1996).2 Mid-Holocene interval of warm climate between 7000 and 4000 b.p.(Ab'Saber 1981; Smitz 1981).3 9.0% of permanent teeth have caries; and if we take only adults,this number goes to 11.0%.ReferencesAB'SABER, A.N. 1981 Paleo-clima e paleo-ecologia, Anuario deDivulgacao Cientifica 5:33-51ADOVASIO, J.M. & D.R. PEDLER. 1997. Monte Verde and the antiquityof humankind in the Americas, Antiquity 71: 57380.ALONSO, M. 1991a. 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