Engraved art and acoustic resonance: exploring ritual and sound in north-western South Africa.

Engraved art and acoustic resonance: exploring ritual and sound in north-western South Africa. Introduction There exists a vast corpus of literature dealing with thesignificance of the landscape in foraging societies and with studiesconcerning landscapes and rock art (e.g, Deacon 1988; Hardey &Wolley Vawser 2002; Ouzman 2002; Arsenault 2004; Chippindale & Nash2004; David 2004; Flood 2004; Hyder 2004; Lenssen-Erz 2004; Smith &Blundell 2004), In general terms, the landscape is perceived m asocially- and culturally-constructed phenomenon, a'mindscape', which is as symbolic and conceptual in characteras it is geomorphological ge��o��mor��phol��o��gy?n.The study of the evolution and configuration of landforms.geo��mor (Geana 1980; see also Ouzman 2001; Arsenault2004). Topophilia, the feeling of a strong emotional attachment tofamiliar places (Tuan 1974: 92), is a widespread cultural phenomenon. Recent anthropological and geographical explorations of theinterplay of the senses (e.g. Stoller 1989; Howes 1991; Pocock 1993;Tuan 1993; Solomon 2000) critique the exclusively vision-basedepistemology, calling for the exploration of the roles of the othersenses, of which there may be no fewer than 21 (Durie 2005: 36), in thecultural patterning of perception. Writing explicitly about the realm ofsound, Schafer (1985), building on the concept of 'acousticspace' as developed by Carpenter and McLuhan (1960), explores thesoundscapes of living environments. That enquiry aimed to illustratethat the concepts of landscape and topophilia do not stand in isolation,but are augmented by what may be termed a cosmologically-prominent'soundscape' (e.g. Waller 1989; Feld 1994; Leeds 2001). It hasbeen established that music maintains social structure and reinforcesgroup identity, be it among the Suya of Brazil, the Kaluli of Papua NewGuinea Papua New Guinea(păp`ə, –y , the Temiar of Malaysia, the Chayantaka of Bolivia, Aboriginalgroups in Australia, or the linguistically distinct San foragers ofsouthern Africa (e.g. Marshall 1969; Seeger 1987; Devereux 2001; Connel& Gibson 2003; Barac 2004). [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] Accordingly, while ethnographic evidence alludes to the existenceof intimate associations between San foragers (who formerly inhabitedthe semi-arid western regions of southern Africa) and particulargeographic features (e.g. Bleek & Lloyd 1911; Bleek 1933, 1935,1936a; Barnard 1979; Deacon 1988), the present paper explores the uniquecharacter and socio-religious significance of music, performance andechoing sound amongst San forager groups. To accomplish this aim, Ifocus on an engraved location known as Klipbak I. The site, locatedwithin the Tswalu Kalahari Reserve, is positioned on top of an isolatedhill in the Korannaberg Mountains in the Northern Cape For other uses, see North Cape (disambiguation).The Northern Cape is a large, sparsely populated province of South Africa, created in 1994 when the Cape Province was split up. Its capital is Kimberley. Province of SouthAfrica South Africa,Afrikaans Suid-Afrika, officially Republic of South Africa, republic (2005 est. pop. 44,344,000), 471,442 sq mi (1,221,037 sq km), S Africa. (Figure 1). The entire site is situated within an elliptical el��lip��tic? or el��lip��ti��caladj.1. Of, relating to, or having the shape of an ellipse.2. Containing or characterized by ellipsis.3. a. basin which is bordered on the northern, eastern and western edges bylow-lying rocky ridges. It is from these encasing ridges that, onaccount of human intervention, particularly fascinating echoes emanate. The Klipbak I site exhibits well-preserved examples of engravedhuman figures, animal figures and circular motifs, all of which are ofthe pecked (outline and infill) engraved type. A total of 948culturally-produced marks occur at the site, the preponderance beinglocated on a smooth horizontal surface Noun 1. horizontal surface - a flat surface at right angles to a plumb line; "park the car on the level"levelfloor, flooring - the inside lower horizontal surface (as of a room, hallway, tent, or other structure); "they needed rugs to cover the bare adjacent to a sandy area and anatural cistern cistern/cis��tern/ (sis��tern) a closed space serving as a reservoir for fluid, e.g., one of the enlarged spaces of the body containing lymph or other fluid. or klip-bak (Afrikaans for rock-bowl). Of these, 856comprise spherical ground hollows or 'cupules', with 85 bandedcircular motifs, 32 abraded shallow elliptical hollows, 9 animal figuresand 2 human figures (Figure 2). [FIGURE 2 OMITTED] Ascertaining the temporal depth of material cultural remains,whilst stated to be notoriously difficult to attain, is nevertheless ofprimary importance--it is archaeology's 'definingpurpose' (Chippindale & Tacon 2002: I07). Examples of engravedart have been dated to 8400 years (Whitley & Annegarn 2001: 194),4000 to 10000 years (Thackeray et al. 1981: 66), and perhaps even up to60 000 to 80 000 years in age (Mitchell 2002: 98). Although no attempthas yet been made to date the art at Klipbak I, the archaeology of thesite suggests an extensive degree of human occupation of the hill-top.Test excavations have yielded lithic lith��ic?1?adj.Consisting of or relating to stone or rock.Adj. 1. lithic - of or containing lithium2. lithic - relating to or composed of stone; "lithic sandstone" remains symptomatic of humanpresence during the Early Stone Age, the Middle Stone Age and the LaterStone Age. In addition, surface finds such as foreign lithic rawmaterials, crude ceramic remains, concentrations of charcoal, fragmentedostrich ostrich,common name for a large flightless bird (Struthio camelus) of Africa and parts of SW Asia, allied to the rhea, the emu and the extinct moa. It is the largest of living birds; some males reach a height of 8 ft (244 cm) and weigh from 200 to 300 lb egg-shell, lithic waste and a single blue glass bead suggestfirstly that Klipbak I may have functioned as a place ofseasonally-based social aggregation, and secondly that the people whoutilised Klipbak I interacted with other socio-economic groups in theregion. Engravings and ethnography Ethnographic sources are essential to the interpretation of rockart in southern Africa, and in this case much insight is gained from theSan ethnographies recorded during the 1800s (e.g. Arbousset & Daumas[1846] 1968; Bleek & Lloyd 1911; Bleek 1933, 1935, 1936a) and alsoduring the twentieth century from the !Kung San (Ju/'hoan) of theKalahari Desert Kalahari DesertDesert region, southern Africa. It covers an area of 360,000 sq mi (930,000 sq km) and lies mostly in Botswana but also occupies portions of Namibia and South Africa. It was crossed by the British explorers David Livingstone and William C. Oswell in 1849. (e.g. Lee 1968; Marshall 1969; Heinz 1972; Biesele 1978;Katz 1982). It has furthermore been established that San hunter-gathererrock art is characterised by particular subject matter and posturalcharacteristics (Vinnicombe 1976; Lewis-Williams 1984, 2006), and thesethematic and stylistic features advocate that the representationaldepictions at Klipbak I is San-authored. Remarkably, painted depictionsdisplaying the distinctive therianthropic element date back some 26 000years (see Wendt 1976: 6), suggesting some degree of continuity in thecosmology and ideology of southern African San foragers (Lewis-Williams& Pearce 2004: 45). I now attend to the abraded hollows and therepresentational engraved imagery present at Klipbak I. Abraded surfaces The occurrence of 32 abraded hollows on an even horizontal surface,together with their characteristic grindstone-like morphology, suggestthat they most probably resulted from the mechanical processing ofaromatic and medicinally-used plants (e.g. Bleek & Lloyd 1911: 192;Bleek 1933: 298; Schmidt 1979; Hoff 1998). At present, the San of theregion still use grindstones to process tsama melon (Citrullus lanatus)and gemsbok gemsbok:see oryx. cucumber (Acanthosicyos naudiniana) seeds. Stone surfaceswere also used for sharpening arrowheads and spear blades and forsanding down the edges of ostrich egg-shell beads (Steyn 1984: 119). Theproliferation of aromatic plants atop the Klipbak hill may havecontributed to the situational and ritual significance of the site, andthe abundance of these species is also believed to relate to theoccurrence of the abraded surfaces. Fragrant smells have an unconsciousbut tremendous impact on our moods, abilities, body chemistry and alsobody odour (Solomon 2000; Durie 2005), and much ethnographic evidenceexists for the significant role of the olfactory olfactory/ol��fac��to��ry/ (ol-fak��ter-e) pertaining to the sense of smell. ol��fac��to��ryadj.Of, relating to, or contributing to the sense of smell. sense in both !Kungand/Xam San society (e.g. Bleek & Lloyd 1911; Bleek 1933; Marshall1969; Hewitt 1986; Deacon 1988; Hoff 1998). The use of an aromatic plant known as buchu buchu (bōōˑ·chōō),n Latin names:Barosma betulina, Barosma serratifolia, Barosma crenulata; in a range of ritualand medicinal contexts is well documented in the San ethnographies (e.g.Bleek & Lloyd 1911: 192; Bleek 1933: 298; Schmidt 1979; Hoff 1998).Buchu was prepared by grinding the selected plant parts into a finepowder. It was also customary for people approaching a water source topowder their bodies with buchu, and upon arrival at the source, tosprinkle buchu over the water to appease the Water Bull (Bleek 1933:300). The !Kung San also use a number of highly aromatic plants forhealing and curing during trance ceremonies (MarshaU 1969: 360; Katz1982: 39). These are prepared by being roasted, after which the charredremains are ground to a fine powder. The powdered ingredients are placedin a tortoise shell the substance of the shell or horny plates of several species of sea turtles, especially of the hawkbill turtle. It is used in inlaying and in the manufacture of various ornamental articles.See also: Tortoise or pouch, mixed with marrow and fat, and a glowingcoal is added to produce smoke medicine, -!go n/um. The smoke, which haspowerful medicinal properties Many plants have traditional medical uses. Ethnobotanists and pharmacognacists catalog and study these plants and uses. This is a list of some of the more common medicinal properties that are ascribed to plants. , is wafted over the person being healed.The inhalation of the smoke may also assist people to enter a trancestate (England 1968:421; MarshaU 1969: 360). Many aromatic plant speciesthrive in these hills, of which Tarchonanthus camphorates (wild camphor camphor(kăm`fər), C10H16O, white, crystalline solid ketone with a characteristic pungent odor and taste. It melts at 176°C; and boils at 204°C;. )and Croton croton, in botanycroton(krō`tən), any of several species of Codiaeum that are widely cultivated as ornamentals and houseplants. The most popular species is C. gratissimus (lavender croton) are the most common. There issufficient historical and pharmaceutical evidence to verify the narcotic narcotic,any of a number of substances that have a depressant effect on the nervous system. The chief narcotic drugs are opium, its constituents morphine and codeine, and the morphine derivative heroin.See also drug addiction and drug abuse. effects that the dried leaves of T. camphorates and C. gratissimus wouldhave had in the event of it being either chewed (Beentje 1999) or smoked(Watt 1967). Engraved imagery Given that ritual may be viewed as a vehicle for communicatinginformation (Geertz 1993: 89), it is rational to assume that ritualpractice also involves motifs, such as engraved depictions, that eithercorrespond to or communicate such information (Ross & Davidson 2006:336). I argue that, in addition to the abraded hollows, the engravedhuman and animal depictions at Klipbak I also signify the events thatoccurred at the site. The engraved animal figures--eland andgiraffe--relate to supernatural potency and their role in the tranceexperience, healing or curing performances, and also in rain-makingrituals. According to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. the !Kung, the giraffe giraffe,African ruminant mammal, Giraffa camelopardalis, living in open savanna S of the Sahara. The tallest of animals, giraffes browse in treetops at heights inaccessible to other leaf-eaters. A male may be 18 ft (5.5 m) from hoof to crown. (Giraffa camelopardalis Giraffa camelopardalissee giraffe. ),possesses some of the strongest supernatural potency, and it is believedthat the Giraffe Song Great is capable of curing any sickness (Marshall1969). In addition, both the nineteenth- and twentieth-century/Xam and!Kung San ethnographies confirm that the eland eland(ē`lənd), large, spiral-horned African antelope, genus Taurotragus, found in brush country or open forest at the edge of grasslands. Elands live in small herds and are primarily browsers rather than grazers. antelope, Taurotragusoryx Taurotragus oryxsee eland. (Figure 2A) was a central and pervasive symbol in San spiritualthought (Lewis-Williams & Biesele 1978:117; Thackeray 2005: 5-18).The eland was also closely associated with and even identified as thetain tain?n.1. A type of paper-thin tin plate.2. Tinfoil used as a backing for mirrors.[French, alteration of ��tain, tin, from Late Latin stannum; see , and the supernatural potency of eland was and still is greatlydesired by San ritual specialists (Lewis-Williams & Biesele 1978:121). The manufacture of rain was entirely dependent on the capture andslaughter of a rain animal. The capture of the rain creature or !kwa-kaxoro was carried out by rain-shamans or !kwa:-ka !gluten, usually atnight-time, and followed by the ritualistic rit��u��al��is��tic?adj.1. Relating to ritual or ritualism.2. Advocating or practicing ritual.rit slaughter ofthe rain animalatop a nearby hill (Bleek 1933: 378; Deacon 1988: 136).//Kabbo, anineteenth-century San informant of W'dhelm Bleek and Lucy Lloyd Lucy Catherine Lloyd (7 November 1834 - 1914) was the creator along with Wilhelm Bleek of the 19th century archive of |xam and !kun textsLucy Catherine Lloyd was born in Norbury in England on 7 November 1834. (Bleek 1933: 309), notes a plea to !kwa:-ka !gluten for rain; !..youmust please go and cut the rain at the great waterpits which are on themountain ... I will really ride up the mountain on top of which I alwayscut the rain. It is high, so the rain's blood flows down ... "Water sources were also pivotally placed between the camp and thehunting ground and between the subterranean realm and the sky,fulfilling essential transformative and restorative functions(Lewis-Williams & Pearce 2004: 52). Several features of the engraved human depiction point towardsshamanic trance and rain-making (Figure 2B). In addressing thefundamental physicality of gesture and posture as a conduit, not toritual, but to religious experience, Morris and Peatfield (2002: 115;see also Keeney 2003: 150) argue that particular body postures are justas effective in inducing trance states as is sensory deprivation sensory deprivationn.The reduction or absence of usual external stimuli or perceptual opportunities, commonly resulting in psychological distress and sometimes in unpleasant hallucinations. ,repetitive rhythmic movement, sound and hallucinogens (Eliade 1964;Furst 1972; Harner 1973). Goodman (1986) observed that the tranceexperience was often initiated by deliberately restricted postures, andwent on to identify several categories of trance experience associatedwith specific postures. The body itself may therefore be viewed as aneffective vehicle for the achievement of altered states ofconsciousness altered states of consciousness,n.pl the various states in which the mind can be aware but is not in its usual wakeful condition, such as during hypnosis, meditation, hall-ucination, trance, and the dream stage. See also alternative states of consciousness. , and such mystical experiences are in turn embodied in thearts of many shamanistic societies, including that of the San. Historical accounts provide further insight into the spiritualrelevance of the engraved human figure. In 1812, William Burchell (1953:46) observed a dance performed by a group of San in the Prieska districtofthe Northern Cape. He noted the presence of dancing ratdes around theankles of the performers, and stated that '... he went through hisevolutions in the limited space within the ring, leaning upon twosticks, singing while he danced, and keeping time....' Some daysafter this, Burchell observed a similar dance, this time performedduring night-time. The staff- or stick-like objects observed by Burchelland photographed by Dorothea Bleek (1936b) in the same region a centurylater are a notable feature of San rock art. Nicholas England (1968: 445), Lorna Marshall (1969: 358) andRichard Katz (1982: 39) also describe how men frequently carry stickswhile they dance (e.g. Figure 3). Sticks are used mosdy for balance butmay also be held out in front of the person dancing or swung around andover the heads of the singing women (Marshall 1969: 363). When curingdance participants, shamans also use their sticks to suspend their dzem,the medicine-filled and smoking tortoise-shell tor��toise��shellalso tor��toise-shell or tor��toise shell ?n.1. a. The mottled, horny, translucent, brownish covering of the carapace of certain tortoises or turtles, especially the hawksbill, used to make combs, containers (England 1968:422). [FIGURE 3 OMITTED] When Dia!kwain, another informant of Bleek and Lloyd, was asked tocomment on a copy of a rock painting depicting a man, five women and alone steenbok, he replied: "This man who stands in front seems tobe showing the people how to dance; that is why he holds a stick, for hefeels that he is a great man ... he is the one who always dances first,because he is a great sorcerer (tool) SORCERER - A simple tree parser generator by Terence Parr <parrt@s1.arc.umn.edu>.SORCERER is suitable for translation problems lying between those solved by code generator generators and by full source-to-source translator generators. " (Bleek 1935:11). Apart from thelarge staff-like object held by the engraved figure, the animal-likearticulation of the legs is also significant. Shamans in trance obtainpotency from and believe that they transform into animals, and thisbelief may relate to this therianthropic depiction and the non-humanarticulation of the legs (Lewis-Williams & Pearce 2004). Thefigure's enlarged phallus is also significant as San shamans wereperceived as extremely sexually potent (Katz 1982:113). In combination,these features suggest that this image depicts a powerful shaman in adancing posture and in a state of trance A State of Trance (often abbreviated as ASoT or ASOT) is the title of a weekly radio show hosted by popular trance DJ Armin van Buuren. First airing in March 2001 on ID&T Radio (the predecessor of Slam!FM), the show takes the format of a two hour mix in which he plays new and transformation. It istherefore conceivable that the depiction is indicative of the communalritualised acts performed at this site. The spatial dimensions of ritual performance Although the original objective of ethno-musicology was to studyand record the music of traditional and, primarily, forager societies inremote regions of the globe, recent ethno-musicological work hasexpanded to recognise the tremendous diversity of musical production andconsumption in traditional and modern contexts alike (Devereux 2001;Connell & Gibson 2003; Barac 2004). Ethno-musicological studiesprovide much insight into the social and religious significance of songand music in pre-industrial societies. These modern ethnographies have,for example, shown how the participation of all members of Temiar(Malaysia) in curative medical practice constitutes a forma] mode ofcommunal physical and spiritual healing spiritual healing,n healing systems based on the principle of spirituality and its effect on well-being and recovery. (Connell & Gibson 2003). Itseems rational to view the San communal trance or healing rituals in asimilar light. They constitute a collective activity which is centred onrhythmic percussion and vocal sound and which aims to heal, in both aspiritual and physical sense, all participating members of the community(e.g. Marshall 1969; Lee 1979; Katz 1982; Biesele 1993). [FIGURE 4 OMITTED] According to Lorna Marshall (1969: 349), 'The medicine danceis the one activity in !Kung lift that draws people together in groupsthat are of considerable size and are not shaped by family, band, orclose friendship. Nothing but a medicine dance assembles all the peopleinto a concerted activity. And, conversely, an assemblage of peopleinduces a medicine dance'. Richard Katz (1982: 36) alsocharacterises the trance dance Ths article is about the Swedish pop group. For the genre of music called trance, see trance music. Trance Dance were a Swedish pop group who had a number of hits in the late 1980s. as providing a focal point focal pointn.See focus. for Sanculture: "The dance is the Kung's primary expression ofreligion, medicine, and cosmology. It is in fact their primaryritual" Nicholas England (1968) and others (e.g. Lee !968; Marshall 1969;Yellen 1976; Barnard 1979; Katz 1982), have described in detail thestructural characteristics of the trance dance as performed by theKalahari Ju/'hoan. Typically, an open area which is not too farfrom and often in the centre ofthe encampment was selected to performthe dance, During the dance a deep dance-groove or n [not equal to] ebeof some 150mm deep and 5-10m in diameter is formed (Figure 4). Accordingto the Ju/'hoansi, the singing, dapping and sound of swishingrattles, the tire and the dancing awaken their hearts and their n/om(Marshall 1969: 354; Katz 1982: 34). In this regard,/Han [not equal to]kass'o, a further nineteenth-century/Xam San informant, stated that'... the men dance well on account of it, while they feel that thedrum which the women beat ... and the dancing rattles which the men riearound their feet ... sounds well ... therefore, they sound nicely,because they are good' (Bleek & Lloyd 1911: 351). [FIGURE 5 OMITTED] It is of significance to note that, at Klipbak I, a circularstructural arrangement of 29 large stones exist in the sandy area belowthe engraved rock surface (Figure 5). It is highly improbable thatstandard environmental dynamics could have been responsible for theoccurrence of such a circular structure. In fact, the structuralarrangement appears to be of a sufficient shape (semi-circular) anddiameter (approximately 10m) to indicate that this clearing functionedas the open circular and communal area around which the inward-facinghuts of nuclear family units were constructed (e.g. Marshall 1969: 357;Yellen 1976: 63-4; Barnard 1979: 75; Katz 1982: 60; Lee 2003: 34). Given the centrality of the trance-dance in San society, and seeingthat there is a close association between ritual acts and accompanyingmusic, I now consider the significant role of percussive per��cus��sive?adj.Of, relating to, or characterized by percussion.per��cussive��ly adv. and reflectivesound in the performance of communal ritual acts. Acoustics and echoes Apart from a few publications dealing with the relationship betweensound and rock art (Reznikoff & Dauvois 1988; Steinbring 1992;Ouzman 2001; Arsenault 2004), most researchers have relied primarily onthe visual in their interpretations. This dependence on the visual isconsidered by some to have restricted our perception of the culturalsignificance of rock art sites (e.g. Waller 1989, 1993, 2001; Ouzman2001; Goldhahn 2002; Rifkin 2005). The significance of sound in ritualhas received some attention in the spheres of anthropology and rock artstudies (e.g. Needham 1967; England 1968; Scarre 1989; Waller 1993;Devereux 2001; Ouzman 2001; Arsenault 2004; Barac 2004; Rifkin 2005). Worldwide, ritual acts are accompanied by the production of sound,be it in the form of singing, clapping, the stamping of feet, or throughcreating percussive sound by means of beating both organic and inorganicsubstances (Crawley 1912). Percussion has therefore played a centralrole in effecting shamanic transformations on many continents and incontacting supernatural and spiritual realms (Eliade 1964: 179; Needham1967: 607). For example, Dia!kwain stated that '... mother used totell us that she would beat the ground with a stone, to see what couldbe the matter ... when we beat the ground we beg of the people who owngame; that is why we beat the ground for it is a prayer' (Bleek1935: 41). The fact that people could communicate with shamans orspirit-beings residing in the supernatural realm simply by beating astone on the ground, suggests that even supposedly mundane objects andpercussive activities may have been of supernatural consequence. Soundmay also facilitate movement between mental states and assist shamans toenter the spirit world (Crawley 1912; Eliade 1964; Katz 1982;Eibl-Eibesfeldt 1989; Devereux 2001; Fachner & Rittner 2004). Theclapping and the sound of rattles in the San medicine dance thus enableshamans to cross the painful threshold between states of consciousnessthat they themselves describe (England 1968: 485; Marshall 1969: 373).In addition, music and song, and the related rhythmic character thereof,also function as mnemotechnic Adj. 1. mnemotechnic - of or relating to or involved the practice of aiding the memory; "mnemonic device"mnemonic, mnemotechnical devices that play a significant role inthe enhancement of memory and, as a result, in the transmission ofsocial, cultural and spiritual information (Vansina 1985; Blacking 1987;Biesele 1993). I now argue that percussive sound was an integral part ofthe performance of trance rituals at Klipbak I and that it also relatespertinently to the engraved depictions. Resonant rocks Rock gongs are naturally occurring boulders of varied geologicalorigin that rest on larger rocks and which emit a harsh metallic andoften ringing sound when struck. The sound produced by such gongs isgenerally limited in tone, but some, and perhaps also the gong atKlipbak I, appear to have a wider three-octave range (e.g. Kirby 1972:247). The percussion marks on such rock gongs are in most cases clearlydiscernible and appear to coincide consistently with the most suitableplaces from which to coax the characteristically hoLlow metallic sound(Goodwin 1957; Malan 1959; Fock 1972; Ouzman 2001). Many gong rocks areengraved and display imagery consistent with what is generally believedto be San authored art (Robinson 1958; Cooke 1964). [FIGURE 6 OMITTED] At Klipbak I the upper and front face of the gong exhibits a seriesof 11 banded and connected circular motifs, 7 ground cupules, andnumerous surfaces bearing concentrations of percussion marks (Figure 6). Given the position (Figure 5) and acoustic resonance Acoustic resonance is the tendency of an acoustic system to absorb more energy when the frequency of its oscillations matches the system's natural frequency of vibration (its resonance frequency) than it does at other frequencies. of this gongrock, it is highly probable that it was implicated in the production ofrhythmic percussive sound. The full aural significance of the gong iselucidated when one considers the echoing character of the sickle-shapedarena in which it is situated. Echoes Globally, a number of rock art sites have been documented aspossessing exceptional sound reflection in the form of echoes and auralresonance (see Waller 2001 for a review). It is becoming increasinglyevident that sound reflection may have been an essential motivatinginfluence in the production and placement of rock art. In many cases thepositions of rock art coincide with the exact points from which echoesemanate (e.g. Reznikoff & Dauvois 1988; Scarre 1989). Theimplication of the echoic e��cho��ic?adj.1. Of or resembling an echo.2. Imitative of natural sounds; onomatopoeic: an echoic word.Adj. 1. qualities at San rock art sites is furtherclarified when we consider the importance of the rock surface itself.The rock-face was viewed as a permeable veil through which shamans couldenter the spirit world (Lewis-Williams & Dowson 1990: 15). Arelationship between echoing and the notion of a spirit world behind theveil is further supported by/Han [not equal to] kass'o, as recordedby Bleek and Lloyd in 1878: 'O beast of prey a carnivorous animal; one that feeds on the flesh of other animals.See also: Prey ! Thou art the one whohearest the place behind, it is resonant with sound' (1911: 247).This phrase is interpreted as referring to a powerful shaman (beast ofprey) who is familiar with and visits the spirit world (place behind), aplace which is resonant with sound (Ouzman 2001: 243). It is thereforeconceivable that locations with marked acoustic characteristics wereperceived as the dwelling places of spirits, and that such places wereregarded as possessing vast amounts of supernatural potency. Aurallyperceiving these echoes, or actually hearing them, is an importantprerequisite for appreciating their significance and for attaching somesort of supernatural significance to them. Because these echoes are of aprimarily low frequency intensity (less than 20Hz), the bulk of theacoustic events is physiologically sensed or physically felt, ratherthan heard. To confirm the unique echoic character of Klipbak I an experimentinvolving the production and recording of percussive sound wasconducted. Echoes were recorded at eight locations in the natural arenain which the site is situated. Significantly, no distinctly audibleechoes were evident from the elevated areas away from the arena and theengravings. The acoustics of rock art sites can be studied in a similarmanner to that of architectural acoustics Architectural acousticsThe science of sound as it pertains to buildings. There are three major branches of architectural acoustics. (1) Room acoustics involves the design of the interior of buildings to project properly diffused sound at appropriate levels . The impulse response ischaracterised by plotting the increase in audible sound in decibels (dB)on the Y-axis, and the frequency or progression of time in seconds (sec)on the X-axis (Waller 2002). At Klipbak I a sharp percussive noise wasproduced by striking together a wooden clave clave?1?v. ArchaicA past tense of cleave1.clave?2?v. ArchaicA past tense of cleave2. and wooden block, and boththe produced and reflected sounds were recorded with a Sony IC DigitalRecorder. The sound was processed and analysed by the Adobe Audition 1.5Sound Editing Programme. Such quantitative sound level measurements aimto document objectively the presence of significant sound reflection atrock art sites. [FIGURE 7 OMITTED] Both the percussive stimulus and the resultant echo were recordedat the main concentration of engravings adjacent to the water source(Figure 5, l p and l r). The sound created by the eight individual yetclosely spaced echoes occurs as a low-tone reverberation which, whendigitally delayed and enhanced, sounds like a bullroarer. Because oftheir occurrence in such short bursts of time (approximately 800milliseconds), they are aurally perceived as a single acoustic event.The recorded result for this location (Figure 5, 1r) is illustrated inFigure 7 and clearly confirms the existence of a sequence of echoes. The reflected sound peaks at 27dB above the ambient (0), and isseparated from the artificially produced percussive stimulus by 0.10seconds. This delay is directly and immediately detected by the humanear. In several instances the audibility of the echoes actuallyincreases over time. This occurs, for example, on the engraved surfaceadjacent to the water source (Figure 5, 2r) when percussive sound isproduced in the sandy area below (2p). The reverberations occur over ashorter duration (400 milliseconds), and the eighth returning soundimpulse (350 milliseconds after the initial percussive stimulus) is infact much more perceptible aurally than the initial returning echoes. Sound and healing at Klipbak I The echoes at Klipbak I are of interest for two reasons. First,this is an open-air site and the presence of echoes is, in contrast towhat one would expect from caves and rockshelters, unusual. Even thoughat least four additional engraved locations in the nearby vicinity doexhibit marked acoustic-echoic characteristics, these are located withinravines, the rocky edges of which are to be expected to produce echoes.These are not, however, as pronounced as those emanating from theencasing ridges at Klipbak I. Secondly, the echoes at Klipbak Imaterialise not as a single acoustic event, but as sets of reverberatingpulses which comprise a series of closely concurrent echoes. The notabledegree of acoustic back-scattering within the arena creates theimpression that the echoes emerge from variable locations and that theyin fact surround the listener (Figure 8). [FIGURE 8 OMITTED] Such peculiar sound effects at rock art sites are consistent withand may, at least partly, have been the foundation of the belief thatbehind the rock surface there is a spirit world resonant with sound. Ithas been established that the rock-face was viewed as a permeable veilthrough which San shamans could enter the spirit world. Remarkably, someof the engraved images at Klipbak I (e.g. Figure 2) demonstrate thepractice of making use, through assimilation, of natural cracks andfissures in the manufacture of engraved images. These create theillusion that the images either disappear into or emerge from the rockface. Since it is apparent that a belief in the existence of such a veilwhich formed a permeable divide between this and the spirit world waswidespread, it is arguable that sound reflection locations wereperceived as the dwelling places of spirits and that such places wereconsequently regarded as possessing vast amounts of supernaturalpotency. The illusion of depth, created by sound reflection, togetherwith the phenomenon that echoes can be experienced as voices calling outfrom within the rock, could certainly have been a likely inspiration forthe widespread belief in a spirit world within the rock. Moreover, thepresence of a water source, which functioned as a portal to the spiritworld and the place in which the !khwa-ka xoro resided, greatlyaugmented the spiritual implication to this place. Conclusion Klipbak I offers a valuable glimpse into the structural nature of(pre-)historic ritual activity. Equivalent sites, at which thestructural remnants of prehistoric ritual performances are so dearlyvisible, are yet to be identified. This site, as an engraved soundscape sound��scape?n.An atmosphere or environment created by or with sound: the raucous soundscape of a city street; a play with a haunting soundscape. within a cultural landscape, offers salient insight into the locationalnature and performance of curing rituals and also on the actual andperceived neurological, psychological and physiological effects ofcommunal musicologically-governed healing performances. Themusicological mu��si��col��o��gy?n.The historical and scientific study of music.musi��co��log and percussive activities associated with San trance andhealing performances, such as the singing of medicine songs, thewomen's rhythmic clapping and the stamping of the men's feet,and the sound of swishing dancing rattles and resonating rocks are hotat all incidental (Marshall 1969: 365). Whilst the making of paintedimagery is dependent on the recollection of visions subsequent to tranceexperiences, engravings, through their process of manufacture, may infact have formed an integral part of the achievement of altered states.Analogous to the way in which the clapping of hands, the stamping offeet, and the sound of rattles assist shamans to cross the thresholdbetween mental states during trance performances, the incessantpercussive noise resulting from the striking of rock gongs and from themanufacture of cupules and pecked engraved images may have had asimilarly trance-inducing effect (e.g. Needham 1967; Waller 1993; Ouzman2001). Apart from the aural pleasure and mythical references of theechoes, it is apparent that it is their reverberative re��ver��ber��a��tive?adj.1. Having the nature of reverberation.2. Tending to reverberate; reverberant.re��ver character, and itsprofound neurological and physiological influence, that is of primarystimulatory and spiritual and restorative consequence (e.g. Needham1967; Marshall 1969; Schafer 1985; Pocock 1993; Waller 1993; Valentine1995; Kahn 1999; Leeds 2001; Brewer 2003; Fachner & Rittner 2004). Among the insights generated by this and other studies concernedwith music and place (e.g. Ivade 1994; Valentine 1995; Kahn 1999;Solomon 2000; Ouzman 2002) is the notion that musical performance servesas a practice, not only for place-making, but also foridentity-construction. This follows from the understanding that musicdoes not simply reflect pre-existing cultural structures, but, instead,that musical performance is a social activity through which culture iscreated, negotiated and performed (Seeger 1987). As Stokes (1994: 3)suggests, 'The musical event ... evokes and organises collectivememories and present experiences of place with an intensity, power andsimplicity unmatched by any other social activity'. Following the recognition that remarkable acoustic qualitiescharacterise many rock art sites it is imperative that their physicalenvironments should be preserved so as to retain the unique acousticfeatures of the locations. The documentation of acoustic phenomena atrock art sites calls for a more inclusive approach to the task ofrecording rock art, an undertaking which would be incomplete if audiorecordings and detailed descriptions of acoustic phenomena are notintegrated into interpretative analyses. Acknowledgements I thank Jonathan and Jennifer Oppenheimer for their generousfinancial support during the course of this investigation. ElizabethMarshall-Thomas is thanked for granting permission to use thephotographs shown in Figures 3 and 4 as sourced from Marshall (1969). Iexpress thanks to Peter Beaumont for cultivating my interest in engravedart. I thank Steven Waller for introducing me to rock art acoustics. Ithank Gus van Dyk, Thea van Rensburg, Gert Makatong and the hospitalityand management staff of Tswalu Kalahari Reserve for their assistanceduring visits. I express my sincere gratitude to Nadine Rifkin, JustinDu Pisanie and Kerry Fatherley for their sound assistance and cheerfulcompany in the field. I am grateful for the insights provided by DavidLewis-Williams, Thembi Russell and David Pearce with regards the writingof this paper. I also thank Christopher Chippindale and an anonymousreferee for insightful comments on an earlier draft of this enquiry. Received: 22 August 2008; Revised: 17 November 2008; Accepted: 26January 2009 References ARBOUSSET, T. & E DAUMAS. [1846] 1968. Narrative of anexploratory tour to the north-east of the colony of the Cape of GoodHope Noun 1. 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Riaan E Rifkin Rock Art Research Institute, University of theWitwatersrand Due to the 1959 Extension of University Education Act the school was only allowed to register a small number of black students for most of the apartheid era, even though several notable black anti-apartheid leaders graduated from the university. , Private Bag 3, Wits, 2050, South Africa (Email:rianrifkin@yahoo.com)