Epilogue: multicultural relations in Fiji--between despair and hope.

Epilogue: multicultural relations in Fiji--between despair and hope. Since the events of May 19, 2000 public and scholarly interest inFiji has dramatically swelled. In Australia there was a veritable delugeof media attention from the moment when George Speight and his armed menstrode into Parliament House in Suva and took Prime Minister MahendraChaudhry and members of Parliament hostage. Although that media delugeslowed to a trickle over subsequent months and years, there has been asteady stream of scholarly works flowing from within and without Fiji,which have attempted to analyse that coup and to reflect on itsaftermath. (1) Although two papers in this volume focus on the events ofthat year on the basis of embodied witness, this volume is less ananalysis occasioned by the urgency and drama of those events, than it isa distilled reflection on the configurations of the place of Fiji beforeand after. It offers a series of distinctly anthropological analyses,based on long-term fieldwork in Fiji, with indigenous, Indo-Fijian andBanaban interlocutors. Many of the papers were first conceived for asession on Fiji organized by Elfriede Hermann and Anette Schade at themeetings of the European Society for Oceanists in July 2002. But allhave been extensively revised and they now engage in a spiritedcollective conversation, framed by the editors' insightfulintroduction. In that introduction, the editors avow Fiji to be multicultural infact, although multiculturalism as value is hotly contested. Theyacknowledge the tensions and violence inherent in ethnic relations inFiji but insist that even violent relations are perforce per��force?adv.By necessity; by force of circumstance.[Middle English par force, from Old French : par, by (from Latin per; see per) + force, force relations(Hermann and Kempf this volume). The dominant discourses of race andprimordial identity may seek to naturalize nat��u��ral��ize?v. nat��u��ral��ized, nat��u��ral��iz��ing, nat��u��ral��iz��esv.tr.1. To grant full citizenship to (one of foreign birth).2. To adopt (something foreign) into general use. such relations, but suchdiscourses are palpably the creations of culture and of history.Relations between indigenous Fijians, Indo-Fijians and Banabans are notthe natural outcomes of autochthony au��toch��tho��nous? also au��toch��tho��nal or au��toch��thon��icadj.1. Originating where found; indigenous: autochthonous rocks; an autochthonous people; autochthonous folktales. or migration, of certainties flowingfrom precedence in dwelling. Their mutual relations have been formed inthe turbulent cultural politics of colonialism and its long, enduringwake. The mutual relations of these three peoples are even now shadowedby the absent presence of the British, the foreigners, the whites. The editors adroitly a��droit?adj.1. Dexterous; deft.2. Skillful and adept under pressing conditions. See Synonyms at dexterous.[French, from �� droit : ��, to (from Latin use Stuart Hall's (1986, 1996) and JamesClifford's (2001) approach to ethnic identities not as frozenessences but as fluid identifications, the articulations of creativesubjects, responsive to context and transformation. Hall's (1986)dual sense of articulation again proves crucial here: articulation isboth an expression, in words, gestures, images and a situationalconnection, a joining which might be unhooked in future moments. Thisconceptual apparatus proves flexible enough to negotiate thecontinuities and the ruptures, the affinities and the differences ofcontemporary Fiji. The editors focus on three relations: the relationsof past and present, the relations of people and land and the relationsbetween people. I will sustain that triple focus here, but explore theterrain of the papers from a slightly different angle. THE PAST IN THE PRESENT IN THE FUTURE Greg Dening (1998) has long insisted on the need to see the pastand the present as mutually imbricated imbricated/im��bri��cat��ed/ (im��bri-kat?id) overlapping like shingles. imbricatedoverlapping like shingles or roof slates or tiles. and moving, in a dance ofentanglement, reminiscent of the double helix double helixn.The coiled structure of a double-stranded DNA molecule in which strands linked by hydrogen bonds form a spiral configuration. Also called DNA helix, Watson-Crick helix. of our genes. (2) Thatdynamic image is surely more appropriate to Fiji than an image of a pastwhich is securely sedimented below the present and partitioned byepochal divisions. Still, as Dickhardt (this volume) reminds us,'pastness' is created in the present, through genres ofmediation and memory. He considers the tension between the Westerndiscipline of history and its canonical genres of textual telling andthose, like Dening, who rather espouse a pluralistic view of'histories', of diverse genres in public performances andmemorials of the past. Dickhardt conceives of history as 'a form ofconstructing the past as a lineal That which comes in a line, particularly a direct line, as from parent to child or grandparent to grandchild. LINEAL. That which comes in a line. Lineal consanguinity is that which subsists between persons, one of whom is descended in a direct line from the other. sequence of concrete events and theirrelationship to each other within a spatiotemporal spa��ti��o��tem��po��ral?adj.1. Of, relating to, or existing in both space and time.2. Of or relating to space-time.[Latin spatium, space + temporal1. framework of everydayexperience of human agents in lived space and time' (p. 345). Although history is irreversible and the past cannot be repeated,only remembered, I am not persuaded that most Oceanic histories aregrounded in such lineal chronologies nor located in the spatiotemporalframe of the everyday. What of the common identification of the storyteller with ancestral actors, whereby the past is made present andindeed often construed as in front of rather than behind the embodiedsubject? What difference does it make when history is sung and danced bya collectivity, as in the meke Dickhardt analyses, rather than told inthe single voice of a witness, an author or the original composer? Whatof the way in which place rather than time is privileged in indigenousPacific histories so that movements in place chart transformations, andthe 'truth' ofa history is revealed in recalling sites in situ In place. When something is "in situ," it is in its original location. ? And what of theseepage between mythic and historical events, discussed in much writingabout Oceanic historiographies? (See Sahlins 1981a, Borofsky 2000).Dickhardt perceives the difference between history and myth to be notone of truth or falsity, as in a realist ontology ontology:see metaphysics. ontologyTheory of being as such. It was originally called “first philosophy” by Aristotle. In the 18th century Christian Wolff contrasted ontology, or general metaphysics, with special metaphysical theories , but in how therelation between past and present is articulated: as separate andmediated in history or as fused in the moral allegory of myth (followingEvans-Pritchard 1962). But how do we distinguish affinity and fusing? In his analysis of one particular korosi (refrain) of a meke(song/dance enacting historical events), (3) Dickhardt reveals how therefrain extends the Fijian concept of land, vanua to the Holy Land. Thisentails a reconciliation of the particularism par��tic��u��lar��ism?n.1. Exclusive adherence to, dedication to, or interest in one's own group, party, sect, or nation.2. of ancestral spiritualityand the universalism UniversalismBelief in the salvation of all souls. Arising as early as the time of Origen and at various points in Christian history, the concept became an organized movement in North America in the mid-18th century. of Christianity. He suggests that relations withancestors and other spiritual beings are place-bound, connected to vanuatabu, forbidden places which are seen as their particular abode One's home; habitation; place of dwelling; or residence. Ordinarily means "domicile." Living place impermanent in character. The place where a person dwells. Residence of a legal voter. Fixed place of residence for the time being. , wherethey live watching their descendants, protecting, but potentiallypunishing moral transgressions. They are historical actors since pastand present are ritually mediated through them. By contrast theChristian God of Methodism is not so place-bound, 'spirituallyomnipresent but materially placeless' (p. 347), he can be seen toembrace and overarch the particular powers of local ancestors. Thechurch is not perpetually a sacred place, but only when it is filledwith worshippers. In this meke and others, there are evocations of theaffinities between the Israelites of the Old Testament and theKadavuans, the values of protecting the land, inalienable Not subject to sale or transfer; inseparable.That which is inalienable cannot be bought, sold, or transferred from one individual to another. The personal rights to life and liberty guaranteed by the Constitution of the United States are inalienable. andspiritually suffused. Yet there is no direct fusing of the time andplace of Kadavu with the time and place of the Bible, but rather vanuais seen as both grounded in the ancestors and given by God in anhistorical act of salvation. Dickhardt discerns in this korosi, three different modes ofhistorical articulation: territorial, genealogical and migrational. Hehighlights the critical connection between people and place in tellinghistories, and also reveals the value of both dwelling and moving inindigenous histories. The story of the Kaunitoni migration is, heobserves, central to the history of pan-Fijian identity, and in Kadavu,as elsewhere in Fiji there are many stories about migrations from landsfar to the west, in Tanganyika or even Israel (cf. Toren 1988). Thus,the primordial autochthony of the i taukei, so celebrated in theultra-nationalist narratives of some indigenous Fijians is at odds withthose Fijian histories which rather acknowledge migration and movementand indeed celebrate how the power of the people of the land waseclipsed by later arrivals from overseas. In Sahlins' (1981b)famous formulation, Fijian chiefs akin to Dumezil's stranger-kings,assume precedence not in time but in potency. Equally inspired by Sahlins, Abramson reflects on how drinkingyagona (kava) is a site of transformation as well as continuity. In hisview the structures of history are like the play of grammar, kinetic,since the past offers dynamic potentials for the present. So, ratherthan an unthinkingly sedimented habitus habitus/hab��i��tus/ (hab��i-tus) [L.]1. attitude (2).2. physique.hab��i��tusn. pl. he sees histories as offeringself-referential trajectories, linking human subjects onpast-present-future itineraries. Such trajectories invite discontinuityand rupture as much as continuity and longevity. At this point I mustconfront my own authorial past and in particular my arguments in a paper(Jolly 1992a) which juxtaposed how indigenous narratives in Fijistressed continuity while those in Vanuatu stressed rupture from thepast. I still find the divergent colonial histories of these two placescompelling, especially apropos ap��ro��pos?adj.Being at once opportune and to the point. See Synonyms at relevant.adv.1. At an appropriate time; opportunely.2. how the colonial stranger-kings dealtwith indigenous political hierarchies and land tenure. Yet I must hereacknowledge that my juxtaposition between a rhetorical stress oncontinuity in Fiji versus rupture in Vanuatu was itself rhetorical. Bothvalues are co-present in all human historical consciousness, althoughcontinuity or rupture, sameness with or difference from the past, mightbe emphasised in different contexts. So Abramson argues that kava-drinking is transformed across severalcontexts and especially between those which adduce To present, offer, bring forward, or introduce.For example, a bill of particulars that lists each of the plaintiff's demands may recite that it contains all the evidence to be adduced at trial. the cosmic forces ofthe vanua (the sacred priestly/chiefly/sorcery/healing rituals whichdeploy yagona) and those kava rituals performed for tourists where thecircuit of sacred connection to vanua is expressly broken. The latterperformances, an intrinsic part of Fiji's large tourist industry,are expressly commoditized performances not sacred rituals. Thisrequires a desacralization Sacralization is the dedication to religious purpose. Desacralization is the reverse process and occurs when a formerly dedicated religious structure such as a church or religious school is given over for another purpose outside of the particular religious organization which , a withdrawal of the mana canonicallyembodied in kava, and a mock carnival of hierarchy in which Fijians andtourists alike can act as chiefs or heralds. It requires performers tobecome professional Fijians, dressed in photogenic photogenic/pho��to��gen��ic/ (-jen��ik)1. produced by light, as photogenic epilepsy.2. producing or emitting light.pho��to��gen��icadj.1. sulu, utteringcanonical bula of welcome. Such performances articulate an objectifiedFijian ethnicity, and tend to celebrate Fijian sovereignity. But intheir clowning 'authenticity' there is also the spectre ofsubversion of indigenous hierarchy and the enticing mirage of modernity.Perhaps in drinking kava this way as much as in the anti-kava,anti-traditionalist practices and precepts of evangelical Christianity(see Miyazaki 2004) there is a prospect of an expressly Fijianmodernity, not so much part of a global cosmos, but still detached fromits roots, from the divine powers of the vanua and from the hierarchiesof rank, age and gender dominant in village life. The rupture ofmodernity is heralded in distinctive new ways of drinking kava. But, as Abramson discerns, both continuity and rupture are alsoapparent in the seemingly more traditional circuits, where the sacredpower of mana is imbibed in drinking kava. The priestly tradition inwhich the power of the gods was transferred through the priest drinkingkava has now been transformed into kava drinking after church in thehouse of the Christian minister (Methodist presumably pre��sum��a��ble?adj.That can be presumed or taken for granted; reasonable as a supposition: presumable causes of the disaster. ). The chieflytradition clearly perdures as a 'heavy ceremony' especiallywhen chiefs or guests are present. Following Sahlins, Abramson stresseshow chiefs are perceived as legendary guests, as the first venerablestrangers. And in the sequence of drinking--first a chief, followed by arabe or herald (the 'eye of the land'), and so on--the mana ofthe stranger is given precedence over the power of those who werespatio-temporally first, the people of the land, the usurping youngerbrother triumphs over the elder brother. In Abramson's view,drinking kava in this way celebrates the cosmic convergence of sky andthe land, evokes the eclipse of female power in the phallic phallic/phal��lic/ (-ik) pertaining to or resembling a phallus. phal��licadj.1. Of, relating to, or resembling a phallus.2. broth ofkava, reconciles human differences, like the perennial rifts betweenbrothers, and evokes harmony through the 'mild stupor stupor/stu��por/ (stoo��per) [L.]1. a lowered level of consciousness.2. in psychiatry, a disorder marked by reduced responsiveness.stu��porousstu��porn. ofunity'. But even in this tradition, Abramson argues, there is animagined antithesis in which the elder brother refuses to surrender tothe younger and a contrary belligerent lineage of autochthonous autochthonous/au��toch��tho��nous/ (aw-tok��thah-nus)1. originating in the same area in which it is found.2. denoting a tissue graft to a new site on the same individual. rebelsis imagined. Perhaps such imaginary antitheses might provide symbolicfuel for some anti-chiefly sentiments witnessed in aspects of the TaukeiMovement. The way in which sorcerers use yagona is palpably rebellious;by drinking kava alone in the lower regions of the forest, they enhancerivalry not unity and threaten to kill rather than honour chiefs. Eventhose who use yagona to heal rather than harm engage a marginal form:they situate sit��u��ate?tr.v. sit��u��at��ed, sit��u��at��ing, sit��u��ates1. To place in a certain spot or position; locate.2. To place under particular circumstances or in a given condition.adj. themselves 'above' transmitting the power of bothChristian God and Degei, the ancient mountain god to their patientssitting 'below' (see Toren 1990). Thus, in Abramson'saccount, the diverse forms of contemporary kava drinking suggest bothcontinuity and rupture from past forms. And, as Viviane Cretton attests (this volume), the significance ofkava drinking is as much a space for cultural contest as it is anexpression of unity. This was clear in the debates about'traditional ceremonies' in the context of the coup in 2000.She focuses on that moment just before Mahendra Chaudhry and otherhostages were released, on July 13, 2000 when, it was claimed, aceremony of apology (a matanigasau) was performed, in which thehostage-takers and their hostages shared kava. In her forensicdeconstruction of this moment she reveals not only diverseinterpretations of the sharing of kava, but a dispute about whether thisevent could be so typified as an act of reconciliation. Matanigasau isone form of i soro, a cluster of rituals of reconciliation; it is theform deployed to acknowledge a dereliction of duty Dereliction of duty is a specific offense in military law. It includes various elements centered around the avoidance of any duty which may be properly expected.In the U.S. , and to ask forforgiveness and peace. Usually it entails a long discussion of thedispute and the presentation of tabua, a whale's tooth valuable, bythe person seeking forgiveness, before kava is shared between thedisputing parties. While the proponents of the coup claimed that amatanigasau was performed on that day and Chaudhry accepted a bowl ofkava offered him, most hostages, both indigenous and Indo-Fijian,forcefully discounted that this was a matanigasau. They suggested thatalthough there was a kava session, they claim it was not initiated bySpeight, that there was no discussion of the violence of thehostage-taking nor the politics in dispute, no tabua presented and noprocess of reconciliation. Moreover, in their view such a ceremony wouldnot absolve ab��solve?tr.v. ab��solved, ab��solv��ing, ab��solves1. To pronounce clear of guilt or blame.2. To relieve of a requirement or obligation.3. a. To grant a remission of sin to. the perpetrator A term commonly used by law enforcement officers to designate a person who actually commits a crime. of a crime from legal punishment. In theview of both Fijian and Indo-Fijian hostages, the issue was one ofjustice. Both perceived the claim that this event was a matanigasau asan abuse of Fijian culture. Cretton's conclusion is rather similar. She argues that theSpeight group were mobilizing custom for political ends to circumventthe law, in a manner similar to how bulubulu reconciliations are oftensought to circumvent the criminal law in cases of rape and domesticviolence. (4) Moreover, Cretton argues that although sevusevu, i soroand other rituals may be cross-cultural in that Indo-Fijians and evenvisiting tourists participate, ultimately by deploying a Fijian ritualof welcome or reconciliation, Fijian paramountcy is proclaimed. In herview, the reaffirmation of indigenous traditions ultimatelymarginalizes, even excludes Indo-Fijians (and it might be argued otherethnic minorities like Banabans, Rotumans, Tongans, Samoans, ni-Vanuatu,Tuvaluans, Chinese and Europeans). Cretton situates the contest of interpretations of this event,between her interlocutors and with herself, in the broader debatesaround the notion of tradition. For her tradition is dynamic,performative per��for��ma��tive?adj.Relating to or being an utterance that peforms an act or creates a state of affairs by the fact of its being uttered under appropriate or conventional circumstances, as a justice of the peace uttering and contested. Like Abramson she discerns both continuityand rupture. Like Dickhardt she observes how Fijian Christianityprivileges a continuity between ancestral powers and the Christian Godand, in the dominant Methodism at least, the intrinsic importance of theways of the chiefs, vakaturaga, in the ways of the land, vakavanua. Thepractices of ancestral priests and sorcerers are, rather, symptomatic ofheathen darkness. Thus, even Methodists draw a sharp line between thetime of darkness Star Wars: Time of Darkness is a Star Wars based MUD that formerly ran on the Star Wars Reality codebase. The MUD is currently offline undergoing a major revamp, and will be back, as Version 4.0, in the near future, hopefully boasting many new features. and the time of light, between the'primitive' and 'enlightened' or'civilized' aspects of the self. Arguably the stress onrupture rather than continuity is even more emphasised in evangelicalforms of Christianity like the Seventh Day Adventists of Suvavou studiedby Miyazaki (2004). Another rupture often highlighted is between the concepts oftradition and democracy (cf. Lawson 1996). This antinomy An expression in law and logic to indicate that two authorities, laws, or propositions are inconsistent with each other. ANTINOMY. A term used in the civil law to signify the real or apparent contradiction between two laws or two decisions. Merl. Repert. h.t. has frequentlybeen perceived as a contest between Fijian and European values but, asCretton argues it is equally a contest between indigenous andIndo-Fijians, who have in the past strongly articulated their claims toequal rights as citizens and to equal representation in parliament(partly through supporting a common roll rather than communal rollsbased on ethnic groups). And, as she argues in another context, bothopponents and proponents of the coups alike use the values of bothtradition and democracy, contextually (Cretton 2004). Further, sheinsists that there is no stark division between tradition and democracysince they blur and overlap in the powers of the present state. From thetime of cession The act of relinquishing one's right.A surrender, relinquishment, or assignment of territory by one state or government to another.The territory of a foreign government gained by the transfer of sovereignty. CESSION, contracts. the colonial state codified cod��i��fy?tr.v. cod��i��fied, cod��i��fy��ing, cod��i��fies1. To reduce to a code: codify laws.2. To arrange or systematize. and even expanded the'traditional' powers of chiefs and till this day the chieflyexert enormous powers within Parliament and beyond in other agencies ofthe state: the Great Council of Chiefs, the Native Land Trust Board andthe civil service. (But see Toren 1994, 2000 on how Fijian chiefs arelocally 'elected' and how Fijian chieftainship chief��tain?n.The leader or head of a group, especially of a clan or tribe.[Middle English cheftain, from Old French chevetain, from Late Latin still embracesan antithetical logic combining a hierarchy of venerated stranger-guestswith anti-chiefly rebellions and even usurpations by the 'people ofthe land', cf. Abramson this volume, and Jolly 1994). In the debates about past and present which swirl around theconcept of tradition, the historical experience of Indo-Fijians ismarginalized or even excluded (but see Lal 1992). Yet as several authorsin this volume stress, the histories of indigenous and Indo-Fijians areas much complicit com��plic��it?adj.Associated with or participating in a questionable act or a crime; having complicity: newspapers complicit with the propaganda arm of a dictatorship. as they are conflictual. Indeed, the very practices ofBritish colonialism sealed this suture in the body of the Fijian state.For the most part British colonial practices affirmed indigenous Fijiansin their relations to their land, and to each other, through thecodification The collection and systematic arrangement, usually by subject, of the laws of a state or country, or the statutory provisions, rules, and regulations that govern a specific area or subject of law or practice. of land tenure and of chiefly hierarchy. Although the deedof cession was made only with some eastern chiefs, and the western partof Viti Levu was a site where polities were characterized by greatercompetitive equality and resistance to colonial power (see Kaplan 1995),British control likely increased the power of chiefs, and partiallyprotected them against the subversive potentials inherent in indigenoushierarchy. The alliance between the British and the Fijian elite alsoserved to protect Fijians from the worst excesses of modernity. This wasa manifest failure in relation to the ravages of introduced diseases:Fijians suffered the effects of several epidemics including measles,dysentery dysentery(dĭs`əntĕr'ē), inflammation of the intestine characterized by the frequent passage of feces, usually with blood and mucus. and influenza, compounded by mortality and reduced fertilitythrough introduced venereal venereal/ve��ne��re��al/ (ve-ner��e-al) due to or propagated by sexual intercourse. ve��ne��re��aladj.1. Transmitted by sexual intercourse.2. diseases (Lukere 1997). But there was moresuccess in sequestering indigenous people from the perceived deleteriouseffects of commerce and the emergent plantation economy. Indenturedlabourers were brought from India from 1879 and, along with somelabourers from other parts of the Pacific, they became the wearybackbone of the Fijian sugar industry. As Emde stresses (this volume) colonial practices worked toseparate Indo-Fijians from the indigenous, through spatial segregationand discouragement of marriage and racial 'mixing'. Britishdiscourses of race were foundational in persisting ethnic images, ofFijians as collectivist col��lec��tiv��ism?n.The principles or system of ownership and control of the means of production and distribution by the people collectively, usually under the supervision of a government. , hierarchical and materially generous, ofIndians as individualist, egalitarian and acquisitive (antinomies whichEmde suggests were reiterated during the 2000 coup, see below). Thefictive fic��tive?adj.1. Of, relating to, or able to engage in imaginative invention.2. Of, relating to, or being fiction; fictional.3. Not genuine; sham. character of these ethnic images is perhaps made clearest by acounterpoint with the predominant British images of Indians in India ascollectivist, zealously hierarchical and intensely spiritual. As Dirks(2001) and others have shown, Dumont's (1972) controversialportrait of Indian society as intrinsically hierarchical has severalprecursors in British colonial discourses. It seems a cruel paradox thatBritish typifications of diasporic Indians should rather suggest anantithesis to Indians in India (and to Fijians typified in similarterms). This is not to suggest the overwhelming hegemony of Britishdiscourses of race. As Jayawardena (1972), Kelly (1991), and others haveshown, there were diverse forces which inspired Indians in Fiji People of Indian origin constitute about 37 percent of Fiji's population.[1] They are mostly descended from indentured labourers brought to the islands by Fiji's British colonial rulers between 1879 and 1916 to work on Fiji's sugar cane plantations. toeschew many of the practices of caste. Moreover, throughout the 1920sand 1930s, like Indians on the subcontinent, they were exposed to manyof the egalitarian ideas of Hindu reformers and Indian nationalistsfighting for independence from the British in India. But Indian claimsfor political and economic equality were not only resisted by theBritish but by many indigenous Fijians, who insisted on theirparamountcy because of their relation to the land. RELATIONS OF PEOPLE AND LAND; VANUA, GIRMITYA, TE ABA As many observers have stressed the notion of vanua is fundamentalto the value of indigeneity, of being i taukei or autochthonous. Thecontributions by Dickhardt and Abramson alike suggest that howindigenous Fijians relate to the land is culturally foundational andspiritually central. But, as observed above, as this notion has beenpolitically mobilized in the ultra-nationalist values of the TaukeiMovement, there has been a tendency to occlude the significance ofmovement in Fijian narratives and indeed the higher status given tolater strangers who were welcomed as chiefs. Perhaps the Britishcolonizers were welcomed on the model of stranger-kings, but others weretreated more like discomfiting guests. As in many parts of Oceania, thedialectical relation of processes of moving and dwelling, equallycelebrated in indigenous cosmologies and narratives has been severed inthe processes of colonialism and in the formation of nation-states. Inthe cultural politics of contemporary Oceania, strong distinctions areoften made between 'natives' and 'migrants'. This isclear in the relation between Maori and other Pacific Islanders in NewZealand New Zealand(zē`lənd), island country (2005 est. pop. 4,035,000), 104,454 sq mi (270,534 sq km), in the S Pacific Ocean, over 1,000 mi (1,600 km) SE of Australia. The capital is Wellington; the largest city and leading port is Auckland. (see Jolly 2001). But the distinction is even more compelling inFiji, where white settlers were never a majority and where thedifference between native Fijian and migrant Indo-Fijian is still seenby many indigenous people as the relation between host and guest.Despite the fact that Indians arrived from 1879 as girmitya, indenturedlabourers imported by the British; that their descendants and those oflater migrants from Gujarat have lived in Fiji for generations; and thatIndo-Fijians have been crucial to the sugar industry and the Fijianeconomy in general, Indo-Fijians cannot claim to be of the place, to bepart of the vanua. This distinction, though grounded in indigenous values of thevanua, also owes much to the colonial legal apparatus which secured 83%of the land as inalienable, collectively owned by Fijian descent groups,mataqali. (5) Such land can be leased but not sold. As Emde (thisvolume) recounts, after the end of the indenture system in 1919, Indiansugar cane farmers made leases directly with Fijian landowners, untilthe colonial administration established the Native Land Trust Board in1940. (6) There are important divisions created between Fijians becauseof this land-holding system and some authors like Rutz (1995) haveargued that the difference between chiefly and 'commoner'portends emergent class dimensions, grounded in unequal control of thedominant resource and value, land. This fails to acknowledge how chieflyrifles move between households over generations, and how those selectedas chiefs are not necessarily the largest local landholders (see Toren1994, 2000). Still, there are long standing tensions between thecollective custodianship of inalienable land and the potential tocontrol land in ways that generate cash and commodity values. Economicdifferences between Fijians are increasing and the distinction betweenrich and poor Fijians is now more locally acknowledged. Rural Fijiansmay be very poor in terms of cash income but still have land from whichthey can eat and live. Poor urban Fijians who are unemployed or in lowpaid jobs are far more reliant on cash to survive, and have been mademore vulnerable by the turbulence in the Fijian economy since 2000. But the differences between Fijians and poor rural Indians is evenmore categorical: Fijians own the land and Indo-Fijians lease it. AsEmde (this volume) and others suggest, fears and concern about therenewal of leases were central in the racial politics inflamed duringthe coup of 2000. Indians feared that their leases would not be renewed,Fijians were anxious that Indians might want to own land and feared thatthe Indo-Fijian Prime Minister Chaudhry might act to change not only thelaws on labour relations but the laws on land rights. (As Emde observesit was not widely known that Fijian land rights were safeguarded in the1997 constitution). Land thus divides Fijians and Indo-Fijians not justas a material resource, and a spiritual value but as an icon of ethnicdifference. Yet as Trnka suggests (this volume), contemporary Indo-Fijians, inresponse to their increased political marginalization mar��gin��al��ize?tr.v. mar��gin��al��ized, mar��gin��al��iz��ing, mar��gin��al��iz��esTo relegate or confine to a lower or outer limit or edge, as of social standing. through the coupsof 1987 and 2000 stress their relation to the land through labour, asthe basis of their rights to live and work as citizens. She observes howRabuka's vision of reducing Indo-Fijians to 'tolerablelevels' through voluntary emigration emigration:see immigration; migration. has been realized: from 2000to 2004, 24,000 Indo-Fijians migrated to Australia, New Zealand andNorth America. Over the last two decades, in the wake of the coups of1987 and 2000, the proportion of Indo-Fijians has decreased from overhalf the population to about 44% in 2000 and 40% in 2002. By 2004 theynumbered 320,000. (Markus Pangerl suggests the decline may have beeneven more precipitous recently, personal communication February 2005).Trnka suggests that for those Indo-Fijians who remain, many have givenup on claims to equality in political representation and are rather, inKelly's inimitable in��im��i��ta��ble?adj.Defying imitation; matchless.[Middle English, from Latin inimit words, 'aspiring to minority status'(Kelly 1998). Many Indo-Fijians, she observes were equally fearful thatPrime Minister Chaudhry's provocations would undo the delicatecompromises between Fijian paramountcy and Indo-Fijian citizenship. Mostseemed reconciled to the fact that Indo-Fijian ceremonies and symbolswould be marginal in state protocols (in contrast to the 1970s and 1980swhen Indian elements were, Trnka observes, often incorporated inwelcomes to overseas dignitaries and national rituals, see Kaplan 1995).There was a dominant sense that Indo-Fijians should reconcile themselvesto live alongside indigenous Fijians, rather than as equal partners. Inthe telling translation of one of Trnka's interlocutors in Hindi,'This is our country too' (Trnka this volume, p. 359). Such subdued fatalistic fa��tal��ism?n.1. The doctrine that all events are predetermined by fate and are therefore unalterable.2. Acceptance of the belief that all events are predetermined and inevitable. acceptance may seem an understandableresponse to the widespread violence against Indo-Fijians in 2000, onViti Levu, Vanua Levu, Levuka, Turtle Island, and especially aroundNaitasiri, where many Indo-Fijians were forced from their homes.Assaults, arson attacks, lootings and rapes were all perpetrated byarmed Fijian gangs, while the police and the all-Fijian army failed toprotect them, and even at times allegedly joined in the violence. Thisperiod occasioned Fiji's first 'refugee' camp fordisplaced persons at Lautoka. And beyond the actual violence, there wasa widespread fear of further violence, fuelled both by the media and thecirculation of rumours as Emde suggests. There were some who were braveenough to protest, as in the ecumenical vigils held daily by theNational Council of Women and Women's NGOs which Emde attended.And, as Trnka (this volume) acknowledges, Indo-Fijians participated in anational prayer for peace in August 2000 and in the 'wearingblue' protest against the military in October 2000. They sent angryletters to newspapers, protested on radio talkback talk��back?n.A system of communications links in a television or radio studio that enables directions to be given while a program is being produced. and even morevehemently in the safe anonymity of internet chat rooms. There were alsothreats of a strike by sugar cane farmers in Western Viti Levu and ageneral strike (which did not materialize). But, even the mostpassionate proponents of multiculturalism, in NGOs such as that whereEmde was a volunteer, were cowed by continual threats and pervasiverumours. So, it is hardly surprising that the dominant response byIndo-Fijians was, as Trnka suggests, to avoid strong public protest. AsPangerl (2003) has shown, pervasive fears and anxieties about securityresulted in a massive increase in the purchase of security alarms andmobile phones by those Indo-Fijians who could afford them. Still, Trnka suggests, Indo-Fijians have not given up on theirclaims to citizenship, but are rather avoiding the abstract claims anddangerous zones of the nation-state to insist on more concrete, personaland local connections and community mobilizations. They are counteringrhetoric that they are foreign guests to the house of Fiji (see Lal1997) with heartfelt declarations of attachment to the land. InIndo-Fijian discourse, spoken and written, the land of Fiji is oftenequated with the human body, and especially with the body of the mother.Trnka quotes Satendra Nandan's Wounded Sea (1991) which portraysthe 1987 coup as a 'heart attack' of the body politic BODY POLITIC, government, corporations. When applied to the government this phrase signifies the state. 2. As to the persons who compose the body politic, they take collectively the name, of people, or nation; and individually they are citizens, when considered and themassive migration of Indo-Fijians as like a 'haemorhage' froma ruptured artery (p. 362). The intimate relation between Indo-Fijianpeople and place is frequently evoked in ideas of how the sweat of theirtoil and the blood of their suffering has flowed into the land. Somanifestly, Indo-Fijians do not perceive the land simply as a commodityas nationalist Fijians allege. Although their articulated link to theland may not be primordialist like indigenous Fijians, it alike insistson the intimate connection of people and place and the spiritualdimension of collective attachment. Still Trnka's prognosis isgloomy: that even these modest claims to 'second classcitizenship' by Indo-Fijians will be doomed to failure. The experience of those Indo-Fijians who have already left Fijibears witness in this regard. As Pangerl (2003) has noted those who havemigrated to Sydney are distinctive in their class and education, manywho would like to migrate do not have the means to do so. Still, despitethe strong motivations to leave, and the hopes for a life of greaterfreedom and dignity overseas, many Indo-Fijians express homesickness forthe landscape of Fiji, for its contours and colours, its tropicalperfumes, even perhaps the 'bittersweet' memories of lifethere (see Lal 2004). Many perceive their connection to Fiji persistingbecause of kin who remain and because of those kin from severalgenerations who are buried there. The idea of 'home', is also pertinent to the experienceof Banabans, now living on the island of Rabi in Fiji. Kempf andHermann's chapter consummately evokes the predicament of theirdiaspora from Banaba or Ocean Island. Like the diaspora of theIndo-Fijians this was an outcome of British colonial policy andespecially the efforts of Sir Arthur Gordon. As first governor of Fiji Fiji was a British Crown Colony from 1874 to 1970, and an independent dominion in the British Commonwealth from 1970 to 1987. During this period, the Head of State was the British Monarch, but in practice his or her functions were normally exercised locally by the Governor prior ,Gordon designed to protect the Fijians by importing indentured labourfrom India; later as chairman of the Pacific Islands Company/PacificPhosphate Company he exerted significant influence on the Britishannexation of Banaba in 1901 and the later lucrative excavation ofphosphate from there. The stories of the extraction of the phosphateersand the relocation of Banabans by the British in the wake of World WarTwo have been recounted in important works by Silverman (1971), Williamsand Macdonald (1985) and more recently Katerina Teaiwa (2003). LikeTeaiwa, Kempf and Hermann focus on how Banabans on Rabi relate to theirnew island home, haunted by the memory of their old island home ofBanaba. Teaiwa's texts and films (2003) evoke the ghostly presencesof the home island: the dessicated pinnacles from which phosphate wasextracted and the detritus detritus/de��tri��tus/ (de-tri��tus) particulate matter produced by or remaining after the wearing away or disintegration of a substance or tissue. de��tri��tusn. pl. of old industrial machinery and the ruins ofgrand colonial villas. Those few Banabans who returned to Banaba, toresist its absorption into the state of Kiribati by British flat, campedin this corpse of the past. But Banaba lives in the memories of those five thousand Banabansnow living on Rabi. Many of the younger generations have never seenBanaba but the space of that raised coral island is imaged through theaffirmation of the larger, high tropical island of Rabi as home. This isexpressed through the naming of mountains and settlements after those onBanaba and especially through the telling of the history of phosphateextraction, relocation and the struggle for compensation through themedium of song and dance. As Kempf and Hermann (this volume) notealthough there have been many studies of land and identity, few havefocused on the performing arts, where politics and aestheticsinterpenetrate in��ter��pen��e��trate?v. in��ter��pen��e��trat��ed, in��ter��pen��e��trat��ing, in��ter��pen��e��tratesv.intr.To become mixed or united by penetration: planes that interpenetrate in a painting. to move and, hopefully, to persuade audiences. Banabanshave fought battles for political recognition beyond and within Fiji. Inthe 1970s they pursued court cases against the British government forfinancial compensation and the rehabilitation of Banaba, with somemodest success. But in 1979 the British declared Banaba as part ofKiribati (previously the Gilbert and Ellice Islands Gilbert and Ellice Islands,former British colony in the central and S Pacific. See: Kiribati and Tuvalu. Gilbert and Ellice IslandsFormer British colony, west-central Pacific Ocean. ). In the 1980s,efforts were rather focused on improvements to Rabi, but although theBritish had given them legal title to this island, that was opposed bysome Fijian nationalists who disputed their rights. This political predicament, being caught between the need to claimtwo distant islands as 'home' is evoked in aspects of theperformances analysed here. Since the 1980s there have been three rivaldance groups, who differ in costume and dance style. All stronglydistinguish themselves from I-Kiribati (previously Gilbertese) whoalthough beneficiaries of Banaba by British flat, were the labourers notthe landowners on Banaba. Banabans stress the essential connection ofland and people in their concept of te aba. But in Fiji they needed todispute the indissoluble in��dis��sol��u��ble?adj.1. Permanent; binding: an indissoluble contract; an indissoluble union.2. link of people and land in vanua, by insistingon their legal rights, conferred by the British. In Kempf andHermann's view they used a 'politics of caution',cultivating alliances with the Fijian elite, but insisting on theirspecial status against the claims of some i taukei that they wereforeigners. They evoke the political persuasions of dance and dancetheatre, through a study of a performance at the Rabi High school in1998, especially addressed to Fijian teachers in the audience. Thisdance theatre portrays their precolonial pre��co��lo��ni��alor pre-co��lo��ni��al ?adj.Of, relating to, or being the period of time before colonization of a region or territory. life on Banaba, the extractionsof the phosphateers and the deceptive promises of the British governmentwhich persuaded them to come to Rabi. (Compare the dance and theatricalperformances filmed by Teaiwa (2003)). They assert a unique Banabanbeauty, and a claim to recognition as a distinct community, through thesocial body enacted in dance. The Fijians in the audience no doubtrecognized the affinities to their own meke performances as vehicles ofcultural memory and collective enjoyment. But they were also persuadedto acknowledge the difference of a people whose te aba was elsewhere,but who were now laying claim to part of their vanua. RELATIONS BETWEEN PEOPLE: RACE, MULTICULTURALISM AND MIXING Clearly much of my previous discussion about the relations betweenpast and present and the relations between people and land hasnecessarily considered relations between peoples. It is clear that thepast imprints deep traces in present relations, and that relationsbetween indigenous Fijians, Indo-Fijians and Banabans are centrallyconfigured around the material and the spiritual value of the land. Butlet me conclude by considering one of the most vexing problems in therelations between these several peoples: the persistent discourse ofrace in contemporary Fiji and the recent silencing of the voices ofmulticulturalism. As Emde suggests (this volume), race is a pervasive and legitimatedconcept in contemporary Fiji: it is used in census data, on visitor andre-entry cards at immigration immigration,entrance of a person (an alien) into a new country for the purpose of establishing permanent residence. Motives for immigration, like those for migration generally, are often economic, although religious or political factors may be very important. and is frequently adduced in the media andin daily conversation. As she avers, this discourse of race originatesin British colonialism, although contemporary local use signifies farmore than biological difference. (7) European notions of human varietywhich preceded the nineteenth century discourses of race concept wereequally attentive to the cultural as the corporeal Possessing a physical nature; having an objective, tangible existence; being capable of perception by touch and sight.Under Common Law, corporeal hereditaments are physical objects encompassed in land, including the land itself and any tangible object on it, that can be : language, social andpolitical forms, the status of women, relations with environment,religious expressions. So in the late eighteenth century, in works suchas that of Johann Reinhold Forster Johann Reinhold Forster (October 22, 1729 – December 9, 1798) was a German naturalist of partial Scottish descent who made contributions to the early ornithology of Europe and North America. , the notions of human difference werenot yet congealed primarily in the body (see Jolly 1992b). As earlywritings by Stepan (1982) and forthcoming work by Ballard and Douglas(n.d.) argue, there was a hardening of the race concept from the earlynineteenth century; as in cognate, contemporary arguments about sexualdifference: 'anatomy was destiny'. In the late nineteenth century, the period in which the Britishformally colonized Fiji, the strength of racial ideas can be witnessedin how Fijians were seen as more developed than other Melanesians: inPapua New Guinea Papua New Guinea(păp`ə, –y , the Solomons, and Vanuatu. Yet in these evolutionaryhierarchies, the status of Fijians was as much derived from theirpolitical hierarchies as their skin colour. To put it crudely, they mayhave been warring cannibals before contact and pacification PacificationPain (See SUFFERING.)Aegirsea god, stiller of storms on the ocean. [Norse Myth. , theirtreatment of women and widows may have rivalled the excesses of India,but their chiefly system was symptomatic of a propensity for advance.Although Indians in the broader scope of the British Empire, were nodoubt seen more as a rival civilization, those Indians recruited asindentured labourers were perceived as of the 'lower sort',and the women amongst them alleged to be prostitutes (see Lal 1985a,1985b for a critique). So during the colonial period, although therewere strong biological bases to theories of race, these were frequentlylinked to cultural characteristics which were similarly essentialized.Linnekin and Poyer (1990) have made strong distinctions between the moreinclusive Oceanic concepts of identity and the exclusivist ex��clu��siv��ism?n.The practice of excluding or of being exclusive.ex��clusiv��ist adj. & n. language ofrace and culture. But the hard fact is that even if Oceanic conceptswere once more fluid, that over the centuries since European contactthey have co-mingled with Western ideas, and have sometimes frozen inthe language of race. It is, as Martha Kaplan says, (1995:16) not aquestion of either indigenous or colonial concepts but both, co-mingledand mixed (and sometimes neither). In contemporary Fiji, indigenous, Indo-Fijians and Banabans alikedeploy notions of race or essentialist concepts of culture which, thoughthey might owe their origin to outsiders, are now truly part of theplace. As Emde observes in her insightful exploration of the politics offear in the coup of 2000, racial stereotypes suffused the media and therampant rumours of that year. Mutual fears, especially betweenindigenous and Indo-Fijians were crucial to the political turbulence.Indigenous Fijians feared 'land-hungry' Indo-Fijians, pressurefor political and economic equality, and the seemingly fantasticprospect of takeover by the Indian state. Indo-Fijians feared theirleases would not be renewed, that they would be subject to further armedviolence, and that they would, as Butadroka earlier advocated, be forcedto emigrate. These fears on both sides were used to mobilize support forSpeight and to silence his opponents. Even the Banabans who were ratherbetter positioned in alliances with indigenous Fijians, had to beassiduous as��sid��u��ous?adj.1. Constant in application or attention; diligent: an assiduous worker who strove for perfection.See Synonyms at busy.2. in their 'politics of caution', given the extremityof some Taukei supporters who had married Banaban women. But as Emde (this volume) and others have argued this stress onracial and ethnic divisions also occluded some important divisionswithin ethnic groups. In particular it has been suggested thatSpeight's coup represented the interests of a new urban middleclass that had benefited from the affirmative action affirmative action,in the United States, programs to overcome the effects of past societal discrimination by allocating jobs and resources to members of specific groups, such as minorities and women. policies forindigenous Fijians introduced after the coup of 1987. Many of these likeSpeight had studied and lived overseas and were differently situated ina globalizing economy. Some commentators suggest that their interestswere in tension with those more conservative chiefly powers (grounded incontrol of state institutions like the Bose Levu Vakaturaga, the GreatCouncil of Chiefs). That older generation of power was perhaps embodiedin the figure of President and High Chief Sir Ratu Kamisese Mara who,ten days after the coup, was asked to stand down by Frank Bainimarama,commander of the Fijian military (who simultaneously presented a tabuato request forgiveness). Ratu Mara accepted, and the 1997 constitutionwas summarily revoked and martial law martial law,temporary government and control by military authorities of a territory or state, when war or overwhelming public disturbance makes the civil authorities of the region unable to enforce its law. declared. In his dealings with theGreat Council of Chiefs, Speight ignored and sidelined them as often ashe offered respect. Even if the differences between Fijians were not soclearcut as to constitute rival class interests, the politics of thecoup certainly revealed much internecine in��ter��nec��ine?adj.1. Of or relating to struggle within a nation, organization, or group.2. Mutually destructive; ruinous or fatal to both sides.3. Characterized by bloodshed or carnage. conflict, including regionalrivalries and shifting coalitions between chiefs. Similarly it might be argued that, in privileging the discourse ofrace and highlighting racial tensions, the politics of the 2000 coupobscured the differences between Indo-Fijians. There are of course longstanding differences between Hindus and Muslims and between those whoare the descendants of the girmitya, who constitute the majority of poorrural cane farmers, and those who are the descendants of Gujaratimerchants who arrived from 1901, who are for the most part more affluentand based in towns. But given the importance Indo-Fijians place oneducation, there is also a growing educated urban middle class,primarily based in Suva which crosses this divide. These differencesmatter greatly in the prospects and processes of Indo-Fijian emigration,(see Pangerl 2003) but again tended to be hidden by the polarizingracial politics of the coup. (8) As Emde suggests, countering these racialized discourses there hasalso been a powerful movement in favour of multiculturalism. This hasbeen especially strong in the domain of civil society, in some churchesand in the work of NGOs and especially in those NGOs dedicated toworking with women across the divide of race and ethnicity such as theFiji Women's Crisis Centre The Fiji Women's Crisis Centre" (FWCC) is a Non-Government Organization (NGO) established in 1984. It offers counselling and legal, medical, and practical support to woman and children victims of violence. (compare Riles 2000). But the values ofmulticulturalism also found favour momentarily in the state,extraordinarily at the initiative of Sitiveni Rabuka, who led the coupin 1987 and was later Prime Minister of Fiji As a former British colony, Fiji has largely adopted British political models and follows the Westminster, or Cabinet, system of government, in which the executive branch of government is responsible to the legislature. . Whereas the constitutionhe had issued in 1990 sought to restore the paramountcy of indigenousFijians, during a later term he rather supported the writing of a newconstitution which would be more inclusive of Indo-Fijians. Theconstitutional review committee did much research and attempted to seekadvice from many areas of the country in its drafting processes. The newconstitution promulgated in 1997 required a multi-party (and likely amulti-ethnic government). It also expressed multicultural values morestrongly than might be expected in that context. But in the firstelection after that, in 1999, Rabuka lost to Chaudhry, a former tradeunionist leading the People's Coalition, which drew voters fromdiverse ethnic groups. As Trnka observes this was heralded as a newpolitical era by seasoned observers like Norton (2000) and Lal (2000a).This new era proved all too brief. How far have these voices of multiculturalism been permanentlysilenced in Fiji? Certainly some of the strongest advocates of amulticultural Fiji are dispirited, even despairing and some have movedoverseas. But I want to end by pondering how far certain forms ofmulticulturalism, though seeming to avow equal respect for all culturescan also contribute to a continuing essentialist idea of culture, whichis ultimately complicit with notions of race (see Cowlishaw 1988). Aswell as his prescient proposal that the articulation of cultural unitycan sometimes hide class privilege in the Pacific (1987), EpeliHau'ofa, brilliant scholar of the University of the South Pacific USP is owned by the governments of 12 Pacific Island countries: the Cook Islands, Fiji, Kiribati, Marshall Islands, Nauru, Niue, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Tokelau, Tonga, Tuvalu and Vanuatu. ,has also criticized the way in which the expression of Pacificmulticulturalism at his own institution too often emphasised culturaldifferences rather than affinities and cultural exchanges. In hisinnovative Centre for Oceanic Arts, at USP USP - unique sales point , in accordance with hisphilosophy advanced in several visionary essays (1994, 1998, 2000) hehas advocated more of a mingling and an exchange of cultural forms,rather than an array of arts which articulate essentialized ethnicidentities. Given that Fiji has not even embraced multiculturalism thismove towards mixing seems both provocative and optimistic. One of theextraordinary features of Fiji's colonial history has been theideological suppression of the realities of mixing between peoples:Europeans and Fijians, Chinese and Fijians, even Indians and Fijians.(9) But perhaps in his prophetic way by plotting mixtures of theimagination, minglings in the domain of beautiful things, Hau'ofamay also be advancing the prospect of a mixing of peoples in Fiji, atransculturalism which goes further than any multiculturalism imaginedto date. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to thank the editors for their invitation to write thisepilogue which, given that I am less a specialist of Fiji than thecontributors, was rather unexpected. I hope I have done justice to thecultural complexities of Fiji and to the arguments of the several papersin this volume. Thanks to the editors for their helpful suggestions, tothe reviewers for their gracious and insightful readings and to MarkusPangerl for his incisive comments and bibliographic suggestions, not allof which I was able to fully address in my revisions. REFERENCES AKRAM-LODHI, H. (ed.) 2000. Confronting Fiji Futures. Canberra:Asia Pacific Press. BALLARD, C. and B. DOUGLAS (eds) n.d. Foreign Bodies: Oceania andthe Science of Race 1750-1940. (in press). BOROFSKY, R. (ed.). 2000. Remembrance of Pacific Pasts: AnInvitation to Remake History. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press The University of Hawaiʻi Press is a university press that is part of the University of Hawaiʻi. . CLIFFORD, J. 2001. 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Kingdon (eds), Land, Custom and Practice in theSouth Pacific, pp. 198-249. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. WILLIAMS, M. and B. MACDONALD. 1985. The Phosphateers: A History ofthe British Phosphate Commissioners and the Christmas Island PhosphateCommission. Carlton: Melbourne University Press. NOTES (1.) Important books include Lal and Pretes' early Coup(2000), Robertson and Sutherland's appraisal (2001), a specialissue of Pacific Studies (Trnka 2002), a collection by Akram-Lodhie(2000) and a more recent collection by Lal (2004). Significant papersinclude Hereniko (2003),Kaplan (2004), Lal (2000b, 2001, 2002), Leckie(2002a, 2002b), Pangerl (2003), Ratuva (2000) and Robie (2000), T.Teaiwa (2000a, 2000b). Three other important books on Fiji have appearedsince the 2000 coup all with a deep historical engagement: Kelly andKaplan's coauthored book (2001), Engle Merry and Brenneis'edited collection, comparing law in the colonial histories of Fiji andHawai'i (2003) and Miyazaki's meditation on hope in Fijianknowledge, grounded in fieldwork in Suvavao (2004). (2.) See also the recent reflection on past-present-futurerelations in Miyazaki's (2004) fascinating approach to Fijianknowledge as a 'method of hope'. (3.) As Dickhardt notes these are created by specialist composersand choreographers, often recounting specific events, but are thenperformed for decades or generations afterwards. As I understand korosi,comes from the English 'chorus' and there has been mutualinfluence between hymns and meke. (4.) Speight was ultimately tried and jailed for treason but recentpress reports suggest his sentence may be shortened dramatically. Seealso the discussion on the relation between customary and criminal lawin relation to rape and domestic violence in Dinnen and Ley (2000) andDinnen (2003). (5.) Trnka notes however that in April 2002 Prime Minister Qaraseproposed land bills which would revert more crown land to indigenousownership and the governance of the NLTB NLTB Native Land Trust Board (Fiji), increasing this percentage to90%. He also proposed to make lease times more flexible, thus increasinginsecurity for Indo-Fijian tenants. (6.) Ward (1995:221) reports the division of rents in this way: 25%to the NLTB for administrative costs and 75% to landowners, with thelatter percentage being subdivided between the Turaga i Taukei (head ofthe vanua) 5%, the Turaga ni Qali (heads of the yavusa) 10% and theTuraga ni Mataqali (heads of the mataqali) 15% and all other registeredmembers of the mataqali 70%. Compare Emde this volume, footnote 10 forevidence of how the uneven distribution of rents, advantages those withchiefly titles, and especially high chiefs. (7.) See also the excellent early study by Norton (1977) whichconsiders the relation of race and ethnicity and the significance ofracial conflict and multiracial accords in politics to that point. (8.) Yet it has even been alleged that some wealthy Indo-Fijianbusinessmen supported the coup. (9.) For different approaches to mixed race and cultural mixing inFiji see de Bruce (2004), Riles (2000) and Steele (2005). Margaret Jolly Australian National University