Friday, September 16, 2011
Fragmentary endings: a discussion of 3rd-millennium BC burial practices in the Oman Peninsula.
Fragmentary endings: a discussion of 3rd-millennium BC burial practices in the Oman Peninsula. Introduction Monuments to the dead in the form of graves and tombs comprise themajority of archaeological features surviving in the two countries onthe Oman Peninsula, the United Arab Emirates United Arab Emirates,federation of sheikhdoms (2005 est. pop. 2,563,000), c.30,000 sq mi (77,700 sq km), SE Arabia, on the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman. (UAE) and the Sultanate ofOman. Archaeological sequences for both these countries have been wellestablished through an assessment of tomb architectural style (e.g.Haerinck 1991), as well as associated material culture such as ceramics(e.g. Taha 1974) and bronzes (e.g. Magee 1998). Archaeological studieshave predominantly focused on typologies. As a result, relatively littleattention has been given to the burial practices themselves. This paperseeks to provide a comprehensive review of current knowledge of tombsdating to the so-called Umm an-Nar period (c. 2500-2000 BC) in the OmanPeninsula. Until recently, few synthetic analyses of these tombs,encompassing detailed excavation and skeletal analyses, have beenundertaken. One particular Umm an-Nar tomb, Unar 2, has been extensivelyanalysed, augmenting our understanding of the burial practices at thistime. Umm an-Nar burial structures Initial interest in the archaeology of the Oman Peninsula occurredin 1958 as a result of oil prospectors finding archaeological remainswhen working on the island of Umm an-Nar, adjacent to the Emirate e��mir��ate?n.1. The office of an emir.2. The nation or territory ruled by an emir.Noun 1. emirate - the domain controlled by an emir of AbuDhabi Abu Dhabi(ä`b thä`bē, zä–, dä–), Arab. Abu Zabi, sheikhdom (1995 pop. 928,360), c. (Fenelon 1976: 120). Following an initial inspection, a Danishteam excavated between 1959 and 1965 and provided the first insight intomaterial culture dating to the 3rd millennium BC. The so-called Umman-Nar period was named after the island on which remains were firstfound (Frifelt 1991). The most prominent remains dating to this periodare the monumental Umm an-Nar tombs. Despite a relatively short history of archaeological research inthe UAE, over 65 of these tombs have been recorded and documented in oneform or another, including excavation of approximately a third of them(TABLE 1). The results from surveys and excavations show that the tombsare located throughout the Oman Peninsula in coastal, piedmont Piedmont, region, ItalyPiedmont(pēd`mŏnt), Ital. Piemonte, region (1991 pop. 4,302,565), 9,807 sq mi (25,400 sq km), NW Italy, bordering on France in the west and on Switzerland in the north. anddesert (oasis) environments (FIGURE 1).TABLE 1. Summary of Umm an-Nar tombs in the Oman Peninsula.site/location date (BC) diameter no. of (metres) chambersCoastalTomb 1, Umm an-Nar 2700-2200 11 2 Island (Abu Dhabi)Tomb 2, Umm an-Nar 2700-2200 12 10 Island (Abu Dhabi)Tomb 4, Umm an-Nar 2700-2200 8.5 2 Island (Abu Dhabi)Tomb 5, Umm an-Nar 2700-2200 6.5 2 Island (Abu Dhabi)Tomb 6, Umm an-Nar 2700-2200 5.5 2 Island (Abu Dhabi)Tomb 7, Umm an-Nar 2700-2200 3 0 Island (Abu Dhabi)Tomb 9, Umm an-Nar -- 12 6 Island (Abu Dhabi)Tomb 10, Umm an-Nar -- 8.75 5 Island (Abu Dhabi)Tomb 11, Umm an-Nar -- -- 1 Island (Abu Dhabi)Tomb 12, Umm an-Nar -- -- 1 Island (Abu Dhabi)Unar 1, Shimal north c. 2400-2200 11.5 8(Ras al-Khaimah)Tomb I, al-Sufuh (Dubai) 2400-2300 6.5 6Unar 2, Shimal 2300-2100 14.3 12 (Ras al-Khaimah)Tombs A & B late 3rd 8.25 4 Mowaihat (Ajman) millenniumTell Abraq c. 2100 6 2 (Sharjah/ Umm al-Qaiwain)Kalba (Sharjah) -- -- --Desert/OasisTomb 1059, Hili (Abu Dhabi) -- 12 2Tomb A, Hili (Abu Dhabi) -- 7.29 4Tomb B, Hili (Abu Dhabi) c. 2500 11.4 9Tomb C, Hili (Abu Dhabi) -- 9 6Tomb D, Hili (Abu Dhabi) -- -- --Tomb E, Hili (Abu Dhabi) -- -- --Tomb F, Hili (Abu Dhabi) -- -- --Tomb G, Hili (Abu Dhabi) -- -- --Tomb H, Hili (Abu Dhabi) -- 7.25 4Tomb J, Hili (Abu Dhabi) -- 8 6Tomb M, Hili (Abu Dhabi) c. 2500 -- --Tomb N, Hili (Abu Dhabi) c. 2300-2000 -- --NB: this is an 8-m long oval pit which adjoins the circular Tomb ETomb A, Hili north 2200-2100 10.5 4 (Abu Dhabi)Tomb B, Hili north -- -- -- (Abu Dhabi)Maysar (Oman) c. 2500 ? ? (c. 8 tombs)Piedmont (Wadi)Tomb 1, Jebel al-Emaleh c. 3050-2550(5) -- -- (Sharjah) (Hafit type Tomb)Munayi, Wadi al-Qawr late 3rd 9 4 (Ras al-Khaimah) millenniumMleiha 2500-2000 c. 14 9 (Sharjah)Wadi Jizzi (Oman) -- -- -- (c. 12 graves)Wadi Suq (Oman) early Umm an-Nar ? 6Baat (Oman) -- -- -- (c. 5+ graves)Selme (Oman) -- -- -- (2 graves)Wadi Bahla (Oman) -- -- --Amlah Site 1 (Omen) late 3rd 8.3 ? millenniumAmlah Site 2a (Oman) ? 6 4Wadi Samad (Omen) ? 8 --MountainAsimah 21 c. 2500(6) 5.5 2 (Ras al-Khaimah)Asimah 100 c. 2500(7) 5.5 2 (Ras al-Khaimah)Qarn Bint Saud (Abu Dhabi) -- -- --site/location MNI bones/ evidence dentition of studied cremationCoastalTomb 1, Umm an-Nar 18-21 yes no Island (Abu Dhabi)Tomb 2, Umm an-Nar 34-38 yes no Island (Abu Dhabi)Tomb 4, Umm an-Nar --(3) no(4) -- Island (Abu Dhabi)Tomb 5, Umm an-Nar 37-49 yes no Island (Abu Dhabi)Tomb 6, Umm an-Nar -- yes -- Island (Abu Dhabi)Tomb 7, Umm an-Nar 1 yes no Island (Abu Dhabi)Tomb 9, Umm an-Nar -- no no Island (Abu Dhabi)Tomb 10, Umm an-Nar -- no no Island (Abu Dhabi)Tomb 11, Umm an-Nar -- no no Island (Abu Dhabi)Tomb 12, Umm an-Nar -- no no Island (Abu Dhabi)Unar 1, Shimal north 438 yes yes(Ras al-Khaimah)Tomb I, al-Sufuh (Dubai) 13 yes yesUnar 2, Shimal 431 yes yes (Ras al-Khaimah)Tombs A & B 56 yes no Mowaihat (Ajman)Tell Abraq 119 yes no (Sharjah/ Umm al-Qaiwain)Kalba (Sharjah) -- -- --Desert/OasisTomb 1059, Hili (Abu Dhabi) -- no noTomb A, Hili (Abu Dhabi) -- no noTomb B, Hili (Abu Dhabi) -- no noTomb C, Hili (Abu Dhabi) -- no noTomb D, Hili (Abu Dhabi) -- -- noTomb E, Hili (Abu Dhabi) -- -- --Tomb F, Hili (Abu Dhabi) -- -- --Tomb G, Hili (Abu Dhabi) -- -- --Tomb H, Hili (Abu Dhabi) -- no noTomb J, Hili (Abu Dhabi) -- no noTomb M, Hili (Abu Dhabi) -- no --Tomb N, Hili (Abu Dhabi) c. 400 in process --NB: this is an 8-m long oval pit which adjoins the circular Tomb ETomb A, Hili north over 300 yes yes (Abu Dhabi)Tomb B, Hili north -- -- -- (Abu Dhabi)Maysar (Oman) -- yes yes (c. 8 tombs)Piedmont (Wadi)Tomb 1, Jebel al-Emaleh at least 6 yes no (Sharjah) (Hafit type Tomb)Munayi, Wadi al-Qawr 35-50 in process no (Ras al-Khaimah)Mleiha -- no yes (Sharjah)Wadi Jizzi (Oman) -- -- -- (c. 12 graves)Wadi Suq (Oman) -- N ?Baat (Oman) -- -- -- (c. 5+ graves)Selme (Oman) -- -- -- (2 graves)Wadi Bahla (Oman) -- -- --Amlah Site 1 (Omen) -- no noAmlah Site 2a (Oman) -- no noWadi Samad (Omen) -- -- --MountainAsimah 21 -- no -- (Ras al-Khaimah)Asimah 100 -- no no (Ras al-Khaimah)Qarn Bint Saud (Abu Dhabi) -- -- --site/location study(1) references(2)CoastalTomb 1, Umm an-Nar E Frifelt 1991: 21-38, Island (Abu Dhabi) 126; Hojgaard 1980; 1981; Kunter 1991: 165; 1996: 48-50Tomb 2, Umm an-Nar E Frifelt 1991: 126; Island (Abu Dhabi) Kunter 1991: 165Tomb 4, Umm an-Nar E Frifelt 1991: 126; Island (Abu Dhabi) Kunter 1991: 165Tomb 5, Umm an-Nar E Frifelt 1991: 126; Island (Abu Dhabi) Kunter 1991: 165Tomb 6, Umm an-Nar E Frifelt 1991: 126; Island (Abu Dhabi) Kunter 1991: 165Tomb 7, Umm an-Nar E Frifelt 1991: 126; Island (Abu Dhabi) Kunter 1991: 165Tomb 9, Umm an-Nar E al-Tikriti 1981: 138; Island (Abu Dhabi) Vogt 1985: 108Tomb 10, Umm an-Nar E al-Tikriti 1981: 139; Island (Abu Dhabi) Vogt 1985: 108Tomb 11, Umm an-Nar E al-Tikriti 1981: 141 Island (Abu Dhabi)Tomb 12, Umm an-Nar E al-Tikriti 1981: 141-2 Island (Abu Dhabi)Unar 1, Shimal north E Schutkowski 1988: 7-10;(Ras al-Khaimah) Schutkowski 1989; Benton pers. comm.)Tomb I, al-Sufuh (Dubai) E Benton 1996: 170-71; Blau 1998: 76, 112Unar 2, Shimal E Blau 1998: 81; Velde & (Ras al-Khaimah) Carter pers. comm.Tombs A & B E al-Tikriti 1989: 97; Mowaihat (Ajman) Blau 1998: 113Tell Abraq E Blau 1996: 151; Potts (Sharjah/ 1993: 120; Potts 1997: Umm al-Qaiwain) 49-50 (analysis still in process)Kalba (Sharjah) N Frifelt 1975: 371Desert/OasisTomb 1059, Hili (Abu Dhabi) E Frifelt 1975: 367-368Tomb A, Hili (Abu Dhabi) E al-Tikriti 1981: 108Tomb B, Hili (Abu Dhabi) E al-Tikriti 1981: 110; Crawford 1998: 127Tomb C, Hili (Abu Dhabi) E al-Tikriti 1981: 110Tomb D, Hili (Abu Dhabi) E al-Tikriti 1981: 111Tomb E, Hili (Abu Dhabi) E al-Tikriti 1981: 111Tomb F, Hili (Abu Dhabi) E al-Tikriti 1981: 111-12Tomb G, Hili (Abu Dhabi) E al-Tikriti 1981: 111-12Tomb H, Hili (Abu Dhabi) E al-Tikriti 1981: 112Tomb J, Hili (Abu Dhabi) E al-Tikriti 1981: 113Tomb M, Hili (Abu Dhabi) N Cleuziou & Vogt 1985: 27; Crawford 1998: 12Tomb N, Hili (Abu Dhabi) E McSweeney pers. comm.NB: this is an 8-m long oval pit which adjoins the circular Tomb ETomb A, Hili north E Cleuziou & Vogt 1985: (Abu Dhabi) 275; el-Najjar 1985 (NB: new analysis in process -- Bondiolo et al. 1996)Tomb B, Hili north E Vogt 1985: 108 (Abu Dhabi)Maysar (Oman) E, S, N Kunter 1981: 198; 1996: (c. 8 tombs) 50-51; Vogt 1985: 108, 124, 138Piedmont (Wadi)Tomb 1, Jebel al-Emaleh E Benton forthcoming; (Sharjah) Stone & Martin (Hafit type Tomb) forthcomingMunayi, Wadi al-Qawr E McSweeney pers. comm.; (Ras al-Khaimah) Phillips 1997Mleiha E Hussien pers. comm. (Sharjah)Wadi Jizzi (Oman) S Frifelt 1975: 371 (c. 12 graves)Wadi Suq (Oman) E, S Frifelt 1975: 374-5; see also Kunter 1996: 51-2; Vogt 1985: 108Baat (Oman) S Frifelt 1975: 363, 386 (c. 5+ graves)Selme (Oman) S Vogt 1985: 108 (2 graves)Wadi Bahla (Oman) S Vogt 1985: 108; see also Orchard 1995Amlah Site 1 (Omen) S de Cardi et al. 1976: 105-7Amlah Site 2a (Oman) S de Cardi et al. 1976: 105-7Wadi Samad (Omen) S de Cardi et al. 1976: 156MountainAsimah 21 E Vogt 1994: 61-3 (Ras al-Khaimah)Asimah 100 E Vogt 1994: 81-3; (Ras al-Khaimah) Magee 1996: 247Qarn Bint Saud (Abu Dhabi) E Frifelt 1975: 371(1) E = Excavated, S = Surveyed, N = Noted(2) All references are found in the main bibliography(3) No information available(4) No skeletal material recovered(5) Tomb 1 re-used in the Umm an-Nar & Late Pre-Islamic periods(6) Also later re-use(7) Also later re-use [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Despite the wide geographical distribution the natural arrangements of animals and plants in particular regions or districts.See under Distribution.See also: Distribution Geographic of the tombs, there area number of features which are common to all Umm an-Nar burialstructures. These include the circular shape of the tomb, the use ofun-worked stone faced with a single outer ring-wall, and the collectivenature of the burials (Ports 1990: 95; Vogt 1985a: 107). There are,however, a number of internal and external differences, including theoverall size, decoration, number of chambers, and numbers of interredindividuals which distinguish the monuments. The diameter of the burial monuments range from 3 m (Tomb 7, Umman-Nar island) to 14.3 m (Unar 2, Shimal). While the smaller tombs tendto lack a decorated exterior (Vogt 1985a: 110), some of the larger tombsmake use of well-cut limestone ashlars(1) for the outer ring wall. Thenumber of chambers ranges from two to ten, and they do not appear tofollow a standardized layout. The internal stone partitions which formthe chambers may be free-standing crosswalls, or walls bounded on eachend by a passage leading from one half of the tomb to the other, orjoined to the external tomb wall dividing the interior of the tomb intotwo halves without access to each other (Ports 1997: 48). No completelyintact Umm an-Nar tombs have been discovered. Often the tombs are toodamaged to determine the location of an entranceway, but in those tombswith sufficiently preserved structures, there appears to be noformalized for��mal��ize?tr.v. for��mal��ized, for��mal��iz��ing, for��mal��iz��es1. To give a definite form or shape to.2. a. To make formal.b. orientation for the entrance. There is no apparent correlation between the size of the structureand the minimum number of individuals buried in the tombs. Whileskeletal preservation must be taken into account when determining theminimum number of individuals (MNI See Merom New Instructions. ) buried in the tombs, the evidence todate indicates that relatively large tombs such as that at Unar 1 with adiameter of 11.5 m were estimated to have a MNI of 438 individuals,while Tomb 2 on Umm an-Nar island, which had a diameter of 12 m, wasestimated to have only 34-48 individuals interred (Blau 1998: 307).Post-mortem disturbances have undoubtedly affected the MNI of sometombs, but it appears that the size of the tomb structure was notdetermined by pressure to bury more people (Vogt 1985a: 111). Extra-mural burials have been associated with some Umm an-Nar tombssuch as Tombs 5, 7 and 10 on Umm an-Nar island (Frifelt 1991: 128; Vogt1985a: 131). In other cases, such as at al-Sufuh, Mowaihat and Unar 2,external ossuaries are associated with the main circular burial. Theseossuaries take the form of either formal stone structures such as thoseat Mowaihat, Hili Garden Tomb The Garden Tomb in Jerusalem is considered by some to be the site of the burial and resurrection of Jesus.[1]It was first put forward as Jesus' tomb by Major-General Charles George Gordon CB, who spent time in Palestine in 1882-83. N and E (Haerinck 1991: 8), and possiblyMunayi (Phillips 1997: 208), or rough pits as at al-Sufuh (Benton 1996)and Unar 2. However, despite Haerinck's suggestion in 1991(Haerinck 1991: 5), there is still a failure to examine features outsidethe ring wall of a tomb and it is likely that external `ossuaries'remain undiscovered at other sites. Frifelt (1991: 128) also comments onthe presence of burials outside tombs on Umm an-Nar island. Umm an-Nar burial structures: placement in the landscape and burialpractices The architectural details of Umm an-Nar tombs have been welldescribed in the literature (e.g. Cleuziou & Vogt 1985: 250; Ports1990: 94-8), and the relationship between the location of the Umm an-Nartombs and domestic dwellings examined (Crawford 1998:43; Frifelt 1991:128). Little attention however, has been given to the significance ofthe location of the burial monuments in the landscape or the actualburial practices themselves and their potential wider meaning. Such aninvestigation has been hindered by the fact that no comprehensivepublications of the results of excavations, including description anddiscussion of excavation methodology, tomb architecture, grave goods In archaeology and anthropology grave goods are the items buried along with the body.They are usually personal possessions, supplies to smooth the deceased's journey into the afterlife or offerings to the gods. Grave goods are a type of votive deposit. ,skeletal remains and dating, are available (cf. Frifelt 1991). Althoughthe tomb at al-Sufuh has been excavated and published (Benton 1996), noprofessional analyses of the skeletal remains were carried out at thetime of excavation. Subsequent analyses and publication have, however,been undertaken (Blau 1998; 2001). Initially, the Umm an-Nar burials will be examined at a landscapescale. Tombs which are superficially visually similar are distributedacross the Oman Peninsula with no apparent pattern of distributionaccording to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. , for example, environmental zones: the tombs are found bothon the coast as well as inland. The majority of the tombs are eitherassociated with similar burial monuments or stand alone. Only a fewtombs, such as those at Tell Abraq and Hill, are located near domesticstructures. It is possible that the close proximity of the tombs to thesettlements at these sites reflects that they had a different meaning.However, it is equally possible that other 3rd-millennium BC settlementshave not yet been recovered. Despite this wide distribution across the Peninsula, the repertoireof material culture found in the tombs, including ceramics, soft-stonevessels, bronze objects, and an assortment of shell and different stonebeads, is similar. Although to date evidence from 3rd-millennium BCsettlements is minimal, it appears that the artefacts described aboveare particular to the burials and differ from that found in settlements.Shards of fine-ware pottery associated with burials have been recoveredfrom settlements, but only in small quantities (Potts 1990: 104). Such adistribution, together with the homogeneity HomogeneityThe degree to which items are similar. of the grave goods,certainly suggests some degree of cultural uniformity across thePeninsula. It then remains to ask what role cultural homogeneity plays insocieties? While the answer to such a question as regards cultures fromthe past can only ever be speculative, it is possible that thearchitectural similarity of Umm an-Nar tombs was a means ofdemonstrating social cohesion, a facet of a consolidated group identityfor the people of Magan (Sumerian) or Makkan (Akkadian), the name givento the Oman Peninsula in Mesopotamian cuneiform cuneiform(kynē`ĭfôrm)[Lat.,=wedge-shaped], system of writing developed before the last centuries of the 4th millennium B.C. texts. A potentiallysimilar use of monumental building as a tool of social propaganda topromote cohesion has been documented in contemporary societies (see forexample, al-Khalil 1991). The use of archaeological tombs as a marker ofterritoriality TerritorialityBehavior patterns in which an animal actively defends a space or some other resource. One major advantage of territoriality is that it gives the territory holder exclusive access to the defended resource, which is generally associated with in the past has been discussed elsewhere (Renfrew 1976;Chapman 1995). The necessity for past peoples in the Oman Peninsula to expresssuch cohesion may indicate the existence of a certain degree ofpolitical turmoil. It has been suggested that the dynamic changes in thematerial culture from the late to middle 3rd-millennium BC perhapsindicate the incoming of a new population (Vogt 1985a: 266). However,caution has to be taken in assuming an associated link between materialculture and ethnic identity (Potts with Blau 1998). Unrest may haveresulted from an increase in foreign intervention (`contact') as aresult of, for example, expanding external trade (as evidenced by theimported ceramic and other material culture finds in all the tombs).Such turmoil may also be reflected in the need to safeguard land at thistime as attested by the appearance in the Umm an-Nar period ofdwellings, circular fort-like buildings up to 40 m in diameter (Crawford1998: 112; Orchard & Stanger 1994: 63; Potts 1997: 47). Alternatively, the turmoil may have been a result of inter-tribalfeuding. From descriptions of 19th-century life in the Oman Peninsula(Heard-Bey 1982: 24-7; 56-8) it is also possible to imagine thatinter-tribal feuding occurred in the 3rd millennium BC. While turmoilinevitably arose out of this feuding, it was the burial monuments whichprovided a tangible reminder of common shared identity. It is possiblethat the differences in the size of the Umm an-Nar tombs somehowreflected the more dominant tribes. Further, the use of decoration onsome of the tombs perhaps reflects the `signature' of particulargroups. Similarities in domestic/fortification architecture have beenrecorded across the Oman Peninsula. The rigidity rigidity/ri��gid��i��ty/ (ri-jid��i-te) inflexibility or stiffness.clasp-knife rigidity of architectural plancontinues in the design of funerary fu��ner��ar��y?adj.Of or suitable for a funeral or burial.[Latin fner monuments, and perhaps highlightsthe strong link between life and death in these communities. As there isno functional necessity for circular graves, it may be suggested thatthe monumental burials conveyed a symbolic message of affiliation andcohesion to the living (whether local or foreign). Such cohesionexisted, or at least was presented as existing, among the communitiesboth in life (witness the circular towers) and death (witness the tombs)(Bradley 1984: 73; Chapman 1991: 165). Apart from tomb architecture, thecollective nature of the burial practice (detailed below) may alsoreflect the social collectivity of the living (e.g. Bloch & Parry1982: 34-5). Despite the similarities in external design of Umm an-Nar tombs,internal design differences exist (described above). It is these which,at a more local scale, perhaps reflect regional and/or personalexpression (perhaps also seen in regional differences in the potterycorpus -- Crawford 1998: 111). The variation in internal features in thetombs represents individual expression within a general culturallandscape (Barrett 1990: 183). Essentially, we have a situation in whichmonuments in the landscape serve as a means of communication at both theregional and community level. Burial practices and skeletal assemblages One of the most obvious features of the burials is the oftendisarticulated and fragmentary frag��men��tar��y?adj.Consisting of small, disconnected parts: a picture that emerges from fragmentary information.frag nature of the human skeletal remains(FIGURE 2). This appears to be the result of a combination of accidentalenvironmental conditions and/ or culturally intentional burial practiceswhich include both inhumation and cremation cremation,disposal of a corpse by fire. It is an ancient and widespread practice, second only to burial. It has been found among the chiefdoms of the Pacific Northwest, among Northern Athapascan bands in Alaska, and among Canadian cultural groups. . The semi-arid conditions ofthe region (little different from those of 5-6000 years ago -- Potts1990: 131-2), may have contributed to the poor preservation of theremains. There was also plundering in antiquity (either for grave goodsand/or ashlar blocks for building material), as evidenced by obvious`robber' trenches. Such disturbances of the tombs cannot, however,fully account for the condition of the bone (cf. Al-Tikriti 1981: 114).Burial practices undoubtedly played a role. It has been suggested thatthe tombs were used over many years. Bodies were initially exposed inthe open and excarnated, the bones subsequently collected and buried inthe tombs. As more individuals needed to be interred, existing corpseswere pushed aside to make room (Frifelt 1991: 23; Bondioli et al. 1996:4). Many Umm an-Nar tombs throughout the region show evidence ofcremation, which undoubtedly affected the preservation of the skeletalremains. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] As outlined above, much has been written on the architecturaldesign This article or section may contain original research or unverified claims.Please help Wikipedia by adding references. See the for details.This article has been tagged since September 2007. of Umm an-Nar tombs and associated grave goods. While there aresome published (and many more unpublished) results of analyses of humanskeletal remains (see TABLE 1), there has been little attempt tointegrate these results with other archaeological material as a means ofunderstanding more fully 3rd-millennium BC burial practices. Given the importance of the entire skeleton in diagnosing specificdiseases (Roberts 1986: 112; Rogers et al. 1987; Stirland 1991: 43), thecondition of the human bone found in the UAE is understandablyfrustrating frus��trate?tr.v. frus��trat��ed, frus��trat��ing, frus��trates1. a. To prevent from accomplishing a purpose or fulfilling a desire; thwart: to many physical anthropologists (Blau 1998). The fact thatmany tombs contained cremated remains may also have resulted in suchmaterial simply being disregarded upon excavation (Downes 1999: 25).Whatever the case, poor preservation probably accounts for the lack ofanalyses and subsequent publication of human remains in the UAE. Theresults of recent research investigating changes in skeletal and dentalhealth in the UAE both through time and across different environmentalzones (Blau 1998; 2001) illustrates that preservation should not be thejustification for neglecting to pose questions about humans in the past. The analyses of in situ In place. When something is "in situ," it is in its original location. skeletal remains in association witharchitectural features permit a greater insight into Umm an-Nar burialpractices. Focusing on the results of the recent excavations of Unar 2,a wealth of information is available to aid interpretations about3rd-millennium BC burial practices. Unar 2 Located on the Shimal Plain in the northern Emirate of Rasal-Khaimah Ras al-Khaimah(räs äl-khī`mä), sheikhdom (1995 pop. 144,430), c.650 sq mi (1,680 sq km), part of the federation of seven United Arab Emirates, SE Arabia, on the Persian Gulf. , the Umm an-Nar tomb, Unar I (see FIGURE 1) was excavatedbetween 1987 and 1988. During excavation it was thought that other tombsexisted in the surroundings (Sahm 1988: 4). In late 1996 a new tomb justsouth of Unar I was discovered during the construction of a road in theShimal area. Preliminary excavations of the site named Unar 2 took placein early 1997, followed by further work and completion in early-mid1998. Constructed out of the local limestone, the circular tomb measures14.3 m in diameter with 12 separate internal chambers (A-H, L-N), makingit the largest communal tomb yet discovered in the Arabian Peninsula Arabian Peninsulaor ArabiaPeninsular region, southwest Asia. With its offshore islands, it covers about 1 million sq mi (2.6 million sq km). Constituent countries are Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, United Arab Emirates, Yemen, and, the largest, Saudi Arabia. (FIGURE 3). Typical of most large Umm an-Nar tombs, Unar 2 had evidenceof fine cut and smoothed limestone facing blocks, one of which had apetroglyph pet��ro��glyph?n.A carving or line drawing on rock, especially one made by prehistoric people.pet of a human right foot (c. 13x26 cm) (FIGURE 4). The onlyother evidence of decoration being used on the building blocks of tombscomes from Tomb 2 and Tomb 4, Umm an-Nar island, and Tomb 1059, Hili,where animals and/or humans are depicted (Potts 1990: 97-8; Vogt 1985a:119-20). [ILLUSTRATIONS OMITTED] Although the tomb was heavily robbed, a number of grave goodstypically associated with Umm an-Nar tombs were recovered. Theseincluded locally produced ceramic vessels such as black-on-red,black-on-red slipped buff, and brown- or black-on-buff fine wares,imported ceramics from southeastern Iran or Baluchistan (black-on-greyand incised incised/in��cised/ (in-sizd��) cut; made by cutting. grey vessels) and Fars Province in southwestern Iran(Kaftari ware) (Frifelt 1975: 362; Ports 1990: 104; 1997: 48),soft-stone bowls, bronzes (including personal items such as rings, aswell as fragments of pins and rivets), and thousands of beads(carnelian carnelian(kärnēl`yən)or cornelian(kôr–, kər–), variety of red chalcedony, used as a gem. , stone and shell). No further discussion of Umm an-Nar material culture will beundertaken in this paper, While it is acknowledged that a contextualinterpretation of burial practices should take into account grave goods,the plundered plun��der?v. plun��dered, plun��der��ing, plun��dersv.tr.1. To rob of goods by force, especially in time of war; pillage: plunder a village.2. nature of many of the tombs makes spatial analyses ofgrave goods impossible. Further, while descriptions and typologies ofgrave goods from some of the tombs are available, few provide usefuldetailed descriptions of the context of the goods in relation to, forexample, the architecture or the interments/cremations (cf. al-Tikriti1989; Benton 1996; Vogt 1985b). Since the first excavation of Umm an-Nar tombs, the associatedmaterial culture (particularly ceramics) has been used to providerelative dates for the use of the tombs (cf. Potts 1993: 126).Preliminary assessment of the ceramics and the beads from Unar 2suggests it is typical of the late Umm an-Nar period (although not thelatest), c. 2300-2100 BC (Velde, Mery and Carter pers. comm.). A total of 21,019 individual human post-cranial and cranial cranial/cra��ni��al/ (-al)1. pertaining to the cranium.2. toward the head end of the body; a synonym of superior in humans and other bipeds.cra��ni��aladj. elements have been recorded, including a vast quantity of disarticulatedcremated and unburned remains (Blau 1998). In addition, two relativelycomplete unburned crania cra��ni��a?n.A plural of cranium. were recovered from Chamber C, and twoarticulated individuals were also retrieved, one each in Chambers in chambersadj. referring to discussions or hearings held in the judge's office, called his chambers. It is also called "in camera." (See: in camera) G(FIGURE 5) and D (FIGURE 6) (the latter associated with an articulateddog burial w Blau & Beech 1999). Semi-articulations were recorded inChambers D and K (FIGURE 7). Very few teeth were found at Unar 2 despitethe usually good preservation of dentition dentition,kind, number, and arrangement of the teeth of humans and other animals. During the course of evolution, teeth were derived from bony body scales similar to the placoid scales on the skin of modern sharks. . Only 152 complete teeth (andmany fragments) were recovered, four of which were deciduous deciduous/de��cid��u��ous/ (de-sid��u-us) falling off or shed at maturity, as the teeth of the first dentition. de��cid��u��ousadj.1. (Blau 1998:496). [ILLUSTRATIONS OMITTED] Burial practices at Unar 2 The practise of cremation in the Umm an-Nar period has been notedin the literature (Benton 1996: 172-3; Sahm 1988; Vogt 1985b: 22). Whilenot all burials showed evidence of cremation (see TABLE 1), the practicecannot be described as rare (cf. Benton 1996: 53). Due to the poorlypublished skeletal analyses, little attempt has been made to discussthis rite or to interpret the relationship between cremation andinhumation. While the method used to roof these tombs is unknown (cf.al-Tikriti 1981: 140), there is evidence that some of them consisted oftwo storeys (Crawford 1998: 126; Ports 1990: 95; Vogt 1985a: 139; 1985b:20). Unlike the elevated level observed in Tomb 9, Umm an-Nar island(Vogt 1985a: plate 40) or inferred in Tomb A Hili North (Vogt 1985a:plate 50), a lower structure was recorded at Unar 2. A number of uprightstone slabs, c. 60 cm high, were recorded on the east side of the tomb(FIGURE 8). The east section of the tomb was generally the bestpreserved area, but it is assumed that similar slabs occurred on thewest side. These slabs were originally thought to support some kind of`shelf', but the discovery of virtually identical upright slabs atthe tomb at Mleiha, but with horizontal slabs lying across the verticalones, indicated that these slabs were a type of `pavement' (FIGURE9). Similar architectural features have been described at Tomb A, HiliNorth (Vogt 1985b: 22-3). [ILLUSTRATIONS OMITTED] The relationship between the burials and this `pavement'provides some interesting details about the burial practices. At Unar 2,articulated unburned individuals were recovered on the lowest levels, asif they had been placed directly on the `natural' gravel,underneath the pavement. The two fully articulated individuals were bothburied lying in a flexed position, one on the right side (Chamber G, anadult male) (see FIGURE 5) and the other on the left (Chamber D, anadult female) (see FIGURE 6). In both cases the faces of the individualswere directed towards the west. While the complete cranium cranium:see skull. recoveredfrom Chamber K (a young adult, possibly female) was facing south, lyingon the right side, the close association of crouched crouch?v. crouched, crouch��ing, crouch��esv.intr.1. a. To stoop, especially with the knees bent: crouched over the grate, searching for his keys. lower legs (FIGURE10) also lying on the right, perhaps suggests the individual hadoriginally faced west, but that its position had been altered duringlater reburial Noun 1. reburial - the act of burying againreburyingburying, burial - concealing something under the ground of other individuals. Partial articulations, such as legsor feet of other unburned individuals, were recovered in Chambers B, G,and K on the basal layers, although exact orientation was difficult todetermine due to poor preservation. Evidence for complete individualslying in a flexed position and/or partial articulations have beenobserved in other Umm an-Nar tombs at al-Sufuh, Tomb 1 (Benton 1996:39-40), Umm an-Nar island, Tomb 1 (Frifelt 1991: 23) and Tomb 5 (Vogt1985a: 131, 134), Tomb A, Hili North (el-Najjar 1985: 38), Unar 1(Schutkowski 1988: 7) and Tell Abraq (Martin pers. comm.). While theflexed position appears to be the norm in the majority of tombs, theorientation of the body (that is, the side the head lies on and positionit is facing in the tomb) appears to vary (al-Tikriti 1981: 142; Vogt1985a: 136). [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Although there was some evidence of unburned articulatedindividuals at Unar 2, almost all of the remains (90.7%) (n = 21,019)showed some degree of burning, with the majority (70 [multiplied by] 1%)of bones in each chamber predominantly burnt white. The majority (56[multiplied by] 2%) of bones were in excellent condition (score 1 -- 75%present), however 39.2% were incomplete being given a score of 3 ([isless than] 25% present) and 30.7% were given a score of 2 (25-75%present). While contributing to the hardness of the bone, the burningalso caused considerable warping (FIGURE 11), and undoubtedlycontributed to the fragmentation of the remains. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] The occurrence of both inhumation and cremation in one tombrequires some discussion. To date, no evidence of ]pyre sitesdemonstrating cremation associated with any of the Umm an-Nar tombs hasbeen located. However, the common difficulty with locating pyre sitesassociated with any cremation has been noted (Downes 1999: 27).Similarly, no evidence of actual burning inside the tombs has beenrecovered (cf. Vogt 1985a: 139), although there is some evidence ofburning in Tomb A Hili North (Vogt 1985b: 22) and flecks of charcoalhave also been recovered inside the tomb at Tell Abraq (Potts pers.comm.). The cremated remains in Unar 2 overlie o��ver��lie?tr.v. o��ver��lay , o��ver��lain , o��ver��ly��ing, o��ver��lies1. To lie over or on.2. To suffocate (a baby, for example) by accidentally lying on top of it. the unburned bones, andappear therefore, to be a secondary event. The stratigraphic stra��tig��ra��phy?n.The study of rock strata, especially the distribution, deposition, and age of sedimentary rocks.strat relationship of the remains with the architectural features suggeststhat individuals in Unar 2 (and other tombs) were originally interred ina flexed position at the base of the tomb structure, being moved asidewhenever necessary to allow room for further interments. The discoveryof articulated remains is at odds with the excarnation of remains. Ingeneral, unburned remains are found closer to the chamber wallssuggesting the movement of bones for further inhumations. Some timelater, individuals were removed from this lower level (perhaps requiringlifting of some of the pavement stones?), cremated, and re-depositedinto the tomb on top of the pavement. The robbing out of `pavement'stones and/or the collapse of the upright supporting slabs resulted inthe collapse of the cremated disarticulated material onto the unburnedarticulated individuals. Although it is possible that individuals in the lower part of thetomb were moved aside to allow room for further interments, there is noway of proving that those individuals in the lower areas were the sameindividuals later taken out for cremation. However, as noted above, themajority of remains recovered showed evidence of burning. Although ingeneral, larger skeletal elements such as femora fem��o��ra?n.A plural of femur. and humeri wererecovered in greater numbers than smaller ones such as carpals andphalanges phalangesplural of phalanx. , the proportion of unburned to cremated remains was similar,regardless of size. This strengthens the case for in situ cremation asit would be expected that the smaller skeletal elements would be lesswell represented if the body was removed for cremation (FIGURE 12). [GRAPH OMITTED] The practice of inhumation and cremation perhaps suggests thatdifferential treatment was given to different parts of the community atdeath, as illustrated by ethnographic eth��nog��ra��phy?n.The branch of anthropology that deals with the scientific description of specific human cultures.eth��nog examples of the treatment of thedead (Ucko 1969: 270). However, the age and sex ratios of Unar 2 do notsuggest any differentiation: men and women of all ages were bothcremated and inhumed in��hume?tr.v. in��humed, in��hum��ing, in��humesTo place in a grave; bury.[French inhumer, from Old French, from Latin inhum . It is possible that other, less distinguishablevariables such as religious beliefs, status, or individual choice mayhave meant different parts of the living community were treateddifferently after death. Although the tomb was plundered, no specificdifferentiation in burial goods was apparent. If we accept that individuals in the lower part of the tomb weremoved aside to allow room for subsequent interments, then we are lookingat a practice in which individuals were exposed to a dual burial rite,both inhumation and cremation. It is possible to suggest that the dualpractices were reflected by the two levels in the tomb. The individual,in an anatomical position anatomical positionn.The erect position of the body with the face directed forward, the arms at the side, and the palms of the hands facing forward, used as a reference in describing the relation of body parts to one another. , and therefore still identifiable as human,was laid on the lower levels. Concealed by the pavement stones, it ispossible that the interred were not yet considered 'departed'.It was only through the removal of the body from this lower`storage' place, and the subsequent cremation process (or ritual)and placement of the disarticulated remains on top of the shelf orpavement, that the dead had fully passed out of the world of the living.As observed in ethnographic examples of cremation, `the manipulation andfragmentation of the body ... serves to aid the spirit to escape thebody' (Downes 1999: 23). This process involved both a physicalmanipulation Physical manipulationThe use of deep massage, spinal alignment, and joint manipulation to stimulate tissues.Mentioned in: Naturopathic Medicine of the body and the body's position in the tomb. Because the dead do not bury themselves (Cannon 1989: 448), burialpractices can be a means by which to investigate attitudes of theliving. Such a ritual which involved various stages of burial ritesincluding deposition, removal, manipulation, transfer and then reburialas evidenced by the Umm an-Nar tombs (Bondioli et al. 1996: 4), mayreflect what has been described as the rites of passage of an individual(van Gennep 1960). That is, the burial process consists of a number ofdifferent stages (separation, transition and incorporation) which areundertaken by the living as a means of confronting the loss of acommunity member (van Gennep 1960: 164-5; see also Barrett 1990: 184).In the case of Unar 2 (and other Umm an-Nar tombs) it is possible tointerpret the stage of separation as the time when the corpse wastransported to the tomb, the transition stage as the interment of theindividual into the lower area of the tomb, and the final incorporationstage as the cremation of the remains and the final passing of the dead. Conclusion The study of both the archaeological monuments used by past peoplesto `house' the dead and the remains of those who died, provides alens through which one possible version of past attitudes to death canbe viewed. There are still many details to investigate about Umm an-Narburial practices, including the technology of fire (fuel), pyre sites, amore resolute res��o��lute?adj.Firm or determined; unwavering.[Middle English, dissolved, dissolute, from Latin resol understanding of the chronology of the structures, andconsideration of the development of burial practices pre-and post-Umman-Nar period. Nonetheless, this paper demonstrates the value not onlyof thoroughly investigating both inhumed and cremated human remains(whatever their state of preservation), but of contextualizing theresults with other variables such as architectural features, allowingmore possibilities of interpretation. Umm an-Nar tombs were not simplyfunctional structures to house the dead; they existed for the living,serving both as a medium through which attitudes to death wereexpressed, and as symbolic markers of cohesion. Acknowledgements. The excavation of Unar 2 was initially directedby Derek Kennet (National Museum of Ras al-Khaimah/ University ofDurham (body, education) University of Durham - A busy research and teaching community in the historic cathedral city of Durham, UK (population 61000). Its work covers key branches of science and technology and traditional areas of scholarship. ), and subsequently by Christian Velde (National Museum of Rasal-Khaimah). I would like to sincerely thank both Derek and Christianfor allowing me to work as the physical anthropologist on the site. Iwould like to express my thanks to Essa Abbas Hussien (SharjahArchaeological Museum) for showing me the Umm an-Nar tomb at Mleiha.Comments provided by Tim Denham, Peter Magee and Ron Hawker wereextremely helpful. I also appreciate the references and commentsprovided by Dan Potts. 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SOREN BALU, Department of Archaeology and Natural History, ResearchSchool of Pacific & Asian Studies Asian studies is a field in cultural studies that is concerned with the Asian peoples, their cultures and languages. Within the Asian sphere, Asian studies combines aspects of sociology, and cultural anthropology to study cultural phenomena in Asian traditional and industrial , Australian National University,Canberra ACT 0200, Australia. soren@coombs Coombs can refer to: Coombs test, a test for the presence of antibodies or antigens Coombs reagent, the reagent used in the Coombs test Coombs' method, a type of voting designed by the psychologist Clyde Coombs .anu.edu.au Received 3 August 2000, accepted 27 February 2001, revised. 13 June2001
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